Friday, June 29, 2007

Eliphalet Kimball, Suggestions

Eliphalet Kimball, "Suggestions," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, 8, 3 (June 20, 1874), 4.

SUGGESTIONS.

The reasons are many and powerful why husband and wife should not sleep in the same bed or even the same room. It is a familiarity that in time extinguishes love. Even by day, absence a good share of the time is necessary to the life of love. What is the cause that brother and sister have no love for each other? It is not because they are brother and sister; it is because they have lived from earliest childhood in the same family. Sleeping in the same bed is too much temptation to intemperance in sexual intercourse, the most ruinous to the constitution of all kinds of intemperance. That kind of intemperance is very common with men and their wives. It is an arrangement of Nature that the night should be devoted entirely to sleep and rest. At night, after the fatigues of the day, the body and mind are in an unsuitable condition for sexual intercourse, and especially for begetting children. If the parents are fatigued at the time of conception, their child is born fatigued. Never should a child be begotten in darkness; the light of the sun at the time and a full view of each other by the parents are necessary to the perfection of the child. Men should go to the beasts and learn wisdom.

Sexual cohabitation without love has the ruinous effects of masturbation, although in a less degree. It exhausts the system without satisfying the mind. When people are obliged to live on food they don’t like, they never feel satisfied and don’t know when to leave off in eating. They are more apt to eat too much than when they have food that suits them. Intemperance is more likely without love than with it. If promiscuity is cohabitation with or without love indifferently it is condemned by free love, because free love is love always. No wonder that the people are old at seventy years, and so many die in childhood. It is according to Nature that people shall live four or five times as long as it takes them to grow, which would extend human life to about the age of one hundred and twenty-five years. If they were born right and always lived right, they would undoubtedly reach that age in health. In that case nobody would die in childhood and there would be no orphans.

The fools that make the laws have made one to punish for indecent exposure of the person. If nature produces anything indecent, then of course she is guilty of obscenity; if she does not then the authors of that law are guilty of libel upon her. The custom of exposing the whole person, each sex to the other, is not only modest and decent, but is necessary to morality. It s the intention of nature and a proof of her wisdom, that men and women shall see each other naked. Concealment causes morbid contemplation and curiosity which stimulates passion. People have a propensity to find what is hidden. Freedom of bodily exposure causes indifference; undoubtedly if it was the custom to go naked, there would be less of lust and less of sexual cohabitation than there is now. If Nature produces anything that ought to be consealed she is not much of a workman.

ELIPHALET KIMBALL.

OXFORD, New Hampshire.

Josiah Warren and the I. W. A. - Documents

"The International," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly," 6, 5 (July 5, 1873), 3.

THE INTERNATIONAL.

The meeting of the American Federal Council on Sunday was well attended, and a vacancy was filled by the election of Thomas Lalor.

The following communication was received from Section 23 (American) in Philadelphia, Pa.:

At a meeting of Section No. 26, I. W. A., of Philadelphia, held June 16, 183, was passed the following, by a unanimous vote, as declaratory of the views of the members of the Section touching the question of the fundamental basis of the body, and recommending their consideration to the Internationals everywhere; and in answer to the request of the American Federation, that we consider and act upon certain propositions submitted by the Corresponding Secretary of said body.

Declaration.—lst. That no movement can be permanently successful among progressive minds which stops short of a full and complete recognition of the entire liberty of the individual, so long as the action coming from such liberty trespasses upon neither the person or property of another.

2d. That the voluntary union and co-operation of the units of working bodies is the only sure and unobjectionable mode of attaining practical success, in the effort to establish the rightful position of the labor interest in the world, and thereby to secure the supremacy of production over capital.

3d. That the delegation of individual rights to men to perform other than assigned duties as agents is the fatal error from which has arisen all the tyranny of government, class-rule, and the subjugation of man the world over.

4th. That the practical observance of these principles is a sure guarantee against any and all internal dissentions, which more than all else have embarrassed the progressive movement of the age, and especially the organized bodies of workers in their efforts at emancipation.

5th. Earnestly hoping that for the future the industrial armies of the earth may move on the basis of inalienable right, and that we may practice that justice to each other we seek to establish everywhere, to the end that despotism under every name and in every climate may be extinguished, and that Liberty, Order, Justice and Truth may be enthroned in every heart, and gain a practical expression in all human relations, Section No. 26 most fraternally recommends the above as a basis of unity, which, while preserving the liberty of the individual, must tend to an efficient consolidation of the working bodies, and make us an irresistible power against all who seek the continuation of the enslavement.

Jesse B. Beune, President.

John Mills, Recording Secretary.

Isaac Rehn, Corres. Secretary.

By and with the advice of the members.

-----

Josiah Warren, [letter], Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly," 6, 7 (July 19, 1873), 13.

To Jesse B. Beune, John Mills, Isaac Rehn and other Members of Section 26, I. W. A. opf Philadelphia:

Ladies and Gentlemen—After having seen the decided defeat of every kind of organization which subordinates some persons to other persons through the interpretation of verbal formulas, I have for forty-five years persistently refrained from joining any organization whatever; but having just read your wise, simple and deep-reaching programme, I see that it is exempt from this fatal defect, and I wish to express my hearty sympathy with you and my readiness and desire to work with you according to my best judgment.

I should rather prefer to see the words after the word "world" (in your 2d article or section) omitted, as I don’t think that, you wish, any more than I do, to have it understood that we aim at subordinating capital to labor any more than we do the enslaving of labor by capital.

I should also be glad to see the word reputation inserted after the word “property” in the first section of our Declaration.

One other little item. Your programme, in my view, is entirely superior to that which has heretofore borne the same name, I should think a change of name almost a necessity.

With much sympathy and respect, yours,

Josiah Warren,

Princeton. Mass.

-----

Josiah Warren, [letter], Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly," 6, 10 (August 9, 1873), 3.

To Section No. 26 (American) of I. W. A. of Philadelphia:

Gentlemen—When I expressed my hearty concurrence in your views, I had in contemplation only what I had just read in the Weekly of July 5, particularly the 1st and 3d sections of your programme there announced; but by documents since received, I perceive that you propose measures and modes which, I regret to say, I cannot approve, and feel impelled to withdraw from connection with them.

Respectfully,

Josiah Warren.

-----

J. T., "Josiah Warren's Mistake," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly," 6, 11 (August 16, 1873), 15. [probably by Joseph Treat]

JOSIAH WARREN’S MISTAKE.

Many of as have thought, for over twenty years, that friend Warren was running Individualism into the ground. We were only surprised that he lately gave in his adhesion to the International of Philadelphia, and now we are not surprised that he recants that act. He makes the mistake of supposing that it is against individualism to work with others. But I doubt that he is as individual as I, for I differ from all the Doctors, all the Scientists, supersede Universal Gravitation, have no Religion, no Conscience, believe in no Duty, but only in nature and pleasure, know there is no God nor Immortality, am satisfied and glad to go out, and can not love any one (much) who is not, thus all my life departing from, departed from,

Lone and lonely, all alone,

even till I have to pray, Let me go to the Future, Oh! let me go home: they will greet me there as their own, and I shall then be with the many and the strong!—and yet I am a Communist, an Absolute Communist, and know that Josiah Warren can never begin to be so Individual, standing alone, as be could and would be if he were member of a Community, for then, what every other one owned would be his, to enjoy, to use, to be greatened and Individualized by— the same piano which no man could purchase alone, would serve and satisfy twenty, as if each owned it exclusively. But even if friend Warren could own all things, standing apart, yet being himself in solitude, with nobody to act upon him, would be no Individualism at all, compared with being himself in Community, with everybody to act upon him— which is like a flash of lightning! I am a Communist to achieve that intense individualism.

J. T.

Wednesday, June 27, 2007

Index of The Radical Review

INDEX
TO THE
FIRST VOLUME
OF THE
RADICAL REVIEW.

  • All-Loving, The, poem on, by Sidney H. Morse, 307. [text]
  • Amberley, Viscount, his Analysis of Religious Belief, notice of, by Dyer D. Lum, 357.
  • Beard, George M., his Scientific Basis of Delusions, notice of, by Elizabeth M. F. Denton, 598.
  • Bolles, Albert S., his Conflict between Labor and Capital, notice of, by Dyer D. Lum, 786.
  • Brinton, D. G., his Religions Sentiment, notice of, by J. Stahl Patterson, 364.
  • Chips from my Studio, by Sidney H. Morse, 184, 367, 603. 804.
  • Churches, The Decline of, article on, by J. Vita Blake, 625.
  • Deity, Musings upon, poem on, by Christopher P. Cranch, 647.
  • Discoverer, The, poem on, by Edmund C. Stedman, 74.
  • Economical Contradictions, System of, by P. J. Proudhon, translation of, by the Editor, 76, 263, 479, 721.
  • Ellis, George E., his Memoir of Benjamin Thompqon, notice of, by Joseph H. Allen, 170.
  • Ethics, Some Considerations in, article on, by T. F. Browrell, 707.
  • Female Kinship and Maternal Filiation, article on, by Elie Reclus, 205. [text]
  • Financiers, Our: Their Ignorance, Usurpations, and Frauds, article on, by Lysander Spooner, 141.
  • Foerster, Wilhelm, his Collection of Philosophical Discourses, notice of, be C. W. Ernst, 361.
  • Frothingham, Octavius Brooks, his Cradle of the Christ, notice of, by Charles W. Buck, 797.
  • Germany, Practical Socialism in, article so, by C. W. Ernst, 25.
  • Gill, William F., his Life of Edgar Allan Poe, notice of, by J. Vila Blake, 790.
  • Gold and Silver as Standards of Value, article on, by Lysander Spooner, 751. [at lysanderspooner.org]
  • Gross, J. B., his Teachings of Providence, notice of, by J. Vila Blake, 179.
  • Hibberton, John, his Jericho Road, notice of, by Charles Almy, Jr., 181.
  • Harvey, James, his Paper Money, notice of, by Julius Ferrette, 587.
  • Jesus The Ethics of, article on, by John L. Stoddard, 661.
  • Jesus, The Spirit that was in, article on, by John Weiss, 535.
  • Johnson, Samuel, his Oriental Religions, II., notice of, by John Weiss, 582.
  • Labor Dollar, The, article on, by Stephen Pearl Andrews, 287.
  • Landor, Walter Savage, his Imaginary Conversations, notice of, by Abram W. Stevens, 347.
  • Larned, J. N., his Talks about Labor, notice of, by Stephen Pearl Andrews, 165.
  • Lowell, James Russell, his Three Memorial Poems, notice of, by J. Vita Blake, 174.
  • Man about Town, To a, poem on, by Emily F. Ford, 688.
  • Martineau, Harriet, her Autobiography, notice of, by John W. Chadwick, 338.
  • Martyr’s Vision, The, poem on, by John L. Stoddard, 778.
  • Nirvana, poem on, by Dyer D. Lum, 260.
  • Parker as Religious Reformer, Theodore, article on, D. A. Wasson, 46.
  • Paul at Athens, poem on, by B. W. Ball, 324.
  • Phelps, Elizabeth Stuart, her Story of Avis, notice of, by John Weiss, 802.
  • Physical Conditions in the Genesis of Species, The Influence of, article on, be Joel A. Allen, 108.
  • Preacher’s Love-Vacation, poem on, by John Weiss, 443
  • Prices, The Law of, article on, by Lysander Spooner, 326. [at lysanderspooner.org]
  • Prostitution and the International Woman’s League, article on, by Henry Edger, 397.
  • Railway Kings Itch for an Empire, Do they?, So the, article on, by “A Red-Hot Striker,” 523. [pamphlet at Google Books]
  • Revivalism, The Orthodox Basis of, article on, by John Weiss, 308.
  • Revolution, The, poem on, by B. W. Ball, 720. [text]
  • Simcox. Edith, her Natural Law, notice of, by J. N. Larned, 781.
  • Spencer, Herbert, his Principles of Sociology, notice of, by Joseph H. Allen, 352.
  • Spencer’s Unknowable as the Basis of Religion, article on, by J. Stahl Patterson, 419.
  • Spinosa, To Benedict, poem on, by B. W. Ball. 24.
  • Spooner’s Island Community, Mr., article on, by Edward Stanwood, 578. [text]
  • Strike, The Great: Its Relations to Labor, Property, and Government, article on, by E. H. Heywood, 553.
  • Tennyson, Alfred, his Harold, notice of, by John Weiss, 158.
  • Thompson, R. W., his Papacy and the Civil Power, notice of, by Charles Almy, Jr., 176.
  • Traditions, Ecclesiastical and Scientific, The Two, article on, by William J. Potter, 1. [text]
  • Transcendentalism, article on, by Samuel Johnson, 447.
  • Van Laun, Henri, his History of French Literature, I., II., notice of, by T. F. Brownell, 592.
  • Wakeman, T. B., his Epitome of the Positive Philosophy and Religion, notice of, by Stephen Pearl Andrews, 793.
  • Warfare, The, poem on, by I. G. Blanchard, 522. [text]
  • Whitman, Walt, article on, by Joseph B. Marvin, 224.
  • Work and Wealth, article on, by J. K. Ingalls, 650. [text]
  • Wright, Chauncey, article on, by John Fiske, 690.

Tuesday, June 26, 2007

Memorial of Lysander Spooner, to 25th Congress

[United States Congressional Serial Set, 3rd Session, 25th Congress, 1839.]

25th Congress

3d Session. SENATE 115

MEMORIAL

OF

LYSANDER SPOONER,

PRAYING

To be allowed to improve the navigation of the Maumee river,

of slack water, &c.

-----

January 21, 1839.

Referred to the Committee on Roads and Canals, and ordered to be printed

-----

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States

in Congress assembled:

The memorial of Lysander Spooner, a citizen of the United States,

Respectfully represents:

That the Maumee is a navigable river within the States of Ohio and Indiana; that it also has navigable branches in both of these States; that the head of the rapids, so called, in Ohio, is the virtual termination, in its eastern direction, of its navigableness, but that the extent of continuous navigation in the river and its several branches above that point westward, is about 200 miles; that this navigation is now imperfect, by reason of rapids in some parts of its course, which make the ascending navigation laborious, and, also, by reason of low water in summer; hat he believes that by the creation of slack-water these defects may be so far supplied as to give a constant navigation for steamboats of severty-five to an hundred tons burthen; that both the improved navigation, and the hydraulic power that would be created thereby, would be of great value to the country bordering these streams; that for hydraulic and other purposes, suggested by the wants or necessities of the people, illegal encroachments are being gradually made upon the navigation of some of these rivers, by dams without locks; that, in the opinion of your memorialist, all occasion for these encroachments would be superceded, and the greatest benefits capable of being derived from the rivers to be secured to the public, by a permission from Congress to the riparian owners to improve the navigation by slack-water; that, from various laws of Congress applicable to this river, and from the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, he supposes that Congress is the only power capable of granting this permission.

He further represents that the natural ascent in the river, within the first thirty miles from the said head of the rapids upward, is about eighteen and a half feet; that, as a riparian owner at the head of the rapids, and otherwise, we is deeply interested in the navigation of the river, in its improvement, and, especially, in its preservation from destruction; that he believes that if he and his associates should be permitted to improve the navigation by slack-water within the first thirty miles above said head of the rapids, other owners above that point will be encouraged to make the same improvements, if permitted by Congress to do so; and that, ultimately, 300 miles of free, constant, and valuable navigation will be given, without cost, to the public, and the wants of the country for hydraulic power be also supplied.

He therefore prays that he and such other persons as he may associate with him may be permitted to improve the navigation of said river within the thirty miles above mentioned, on the terms contained in the annexed draft of a bill, (which would give all the privilege he desires,) or on such other terms as the wisdom of Congress may suggest.

LYSANDER SPOONER

January, 1839.

-----

AN ACT to authorize Lysander Spooner and his associates to improve the navigation of the Maumee by slack water.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That Lysander Spooner, and such other persons as he may associate with him, their successors, heirs, and assigns, be, and they hereby are, authorized, at their own cost, to erect and forever maintain in the Maumee river, such dams as may be necessary for making slack water, of the greatest depth of which the banks of said river are capable, throughout the distance of thirty miles from and above the head of the rapids, so called, which is in the counties of Wood and Lucas, in the State of Ohio.

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That in the dam that shall be erected at the said head of the rapids there shall be constructed a shute, or slope, that shall be of equal safety and convenience with the present channel of the river, for the passage of any logs, rafts, or other things which the public may wish to transport down said rapids; and there shall also be constructed, in a proper position in connexion with each dam that shall be built above said head of the rapids, a lock of suitable form and size for the safe and convenient passage of all craft that may hereafter be navigated on said river, which locks shall ever be free for the use of such craft and the public.

Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the proprietors of each of said dams and locks shall forever be jointly and severally liable, in triple damages, with costs, for any injury not exceeding twenty dollars, and in full damages, with costs, for any injury exceeding twenty dollars, which may be sustained by any person or persons navigating said river, by reason of any fault in the construction of such dam or lock, or any negligence in keeping the same in repair, or by reason of any other fault in relation thereto on the part of the owners thereof; which damages and costs may be sued for and recovered by the injured party, in the courts and according to the laws of the State of Ohio.

Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That if either of said dams or locks shall ever, from any cause whatever, be in a condition to work a practical nuisance in said river, and shall be suffered to remain so for an unreasonable length of time, it may be abated as such nuisance according to law.

Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That nothing in this act shall be understood to grant to the said Spooner, or his associates, any right to overflow, or to abut their dams against, any lands bounding upon said river, without the consent of the owners thereof.

Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That if the said dams shall not be completed in five years from the passage of this act, then the privilege granted hereby shall be void as to any dam that may then remain unfinished.

Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That nothing in this act shall be construed to prejudice any right of jurisdiction which the State of Ohio may have in or over said river, or to grant to the said Spooner or his associates any privilege which shall be in conflict with any rights of property or otherwise, which any individual has in said river.

=====

[Journal of the Senate, 1839, 3rd Session of the 25 Congress.]

Jan. 21, p. 142

Mr. Davis presented the memorial of Lysander Spooner, praying to be allowed the privilege, in conjunction with others, of improving the navigation of the Maumee river, by means of slackwater; which was referred to the Committee on Roads and Canals, and ordered to be printed.

Jan. 25, p. 159

On motion by Mr. Tipton,

Ordered, That the Committee on Roads and Canals be discharged from the further consideration of the memorial of Lysander Spooner; and from the further consideration of the memorial of Edward D. Tippett.

Wednesday, June 20, 2007

Liberty, Vol. 17, No. 1, April 1908

LIBERTY

Proprietor: BENJ. R. TUCKER, 502 Sixth Ave., New York City

Vol. XVII—No. 1 APRIL, 1908 Whole Number 403

ON PICKET DUTY

Pride goeth before a fall. In the December number of Liberty I congratulated myself on having re-established my own composing-room. No later than January 10 this composing-room, together with the entire wholesale stock of my publications and nearly all my plates, was absolutely wiped out by fire. As I had deliberately refused to insure, because of the absurdly high rates now prevailing (the rate for the stock in my book-shop exceeds four per cent. a year), the loss was total, amounting to at least ten thousand dollars. I saw at once that, unless the more valuable portions of the stock destroyed could be speedily replaced, it would be necessary to wind up my business. At this juncture Mr. Thomas Earle White, of Philadelphia, generously offered to contribute six hundred dollars towards rehabilitation. At the same time Mr. John W. Ould, of New York, with the co-operation of Mr. Bolton Hall and Dr. E; B. Foote, undertook to raise a fund of [2] one thousand dollars; to replace the plates and stock of “The Ego and His Own.” Encouraged by this, I agreed, in case of their success, to risk two thousand dollars or more, myself, in replacing the more valuable of the other works that had been obliterated, and to continue the business, which during the last half of 1907 had been developing rapidly and seemed sure to prosper. Subscriptions to the proposed fund came in satisfactorily for a time, but ceased at a point where the total pledges amounted to about seven hundred dollars in addition to Mr. White’s. Probably the desired thousand could have been obtained by a second appeal. But in the meantime new conditions had arisen that caused me to reconsider. The formerly growing business suddenly began to dwindle, and in five or six weeks fell off more than sixty per cent. Without doubt the main cause of this is to be found in the general business depression now felt throughout the country. But in my view this period of depression will be prolonged through 1908 and possibly through 1909. Therefore I concluded that it would be folly to risk either my friends’ money or my own in the manner proposed, and accordingly asked Mr. Ould to return the sums already paid in. He has done so. But in spite of the fact that I do not deem it best to accept the proffered assistance, I wish to thank most heartily all those who so promptly and [3] generously took part in this effort at recovery from a blow that has gone far to nullify the work of thirty years. It is my intention to close up my business next summer, and, before January 1, 1909, go to Europe. there to publish Liberty (still mainly for America, of course) and such books and pamphlets as my remaining means may enable me to print. In Europe the cost of living and of publishing is hardly more than half as much as here. Perhaps in the course of years I shall be able to restore my list of publications, and even make important additions. Because of the uncertainty of my situation during the last two months, I decided to omit the February number of Liberty. This, the April number, is the only one since December.

Because of the disaster above alluded to, I am no longer able to supply “Instead of a Book” or, with a few minor exceptions, the other books and pamphlets that constituted my list. For a time, however, I shall be able to offer “The Ego and His Own” at the regular prices of $1.50 and $1 .75, according to the edition desired, having succeeded in repurchasing some copies from booksellers. Fortunately the plates of the two new books, Eltzbacher’s ‘Anarchism” (in English) and Shaw’s “The Sanity of Art,” escaped destruction, and I have been able to publish both. For further [4] information concerning these, the advertising pages of this issue may be consulted.

CHRISTMAS EVE

It was Christmas eve in a great city. No matter what city. Any city. Each may choose for himself. It was an enormous city, miles of stones and bricks in every direction. A crash and roar which never ceased, but slowly sank to lowest ebb at three o’clock in the morning, only to begin to flood again with growl and mutter in the grey dawn. A city where skeletons walked with roses in their hands. Where Starvation glared -upon Plenty, and Misery mocked at Murder. Where iron wheels ground flesh and bones and the filth of the street into a bloody mire. A city of brilliancy and darkness, of poverty and magnificence; of misery and laughter. A city where Vice kissed Virtue. A monster of smoke and glare and gloom and noise and stones, wherein was not one green thing. That exquisite color, in the infinite loveliness of which Earth bath made her garments. No, save in its fenced and guarded spots, not even a strip of humble, beautiful grass.

It was Christmas eve. I do not believe that people keep Christmas because of any memory of the gentle Christ. They do not on that day forgive their enemies, and surely, if Christ’s [5] day is to be kept in his name, that should be done. It is the thing most insisted on, and he himself did forgive, even unto the last—”Father, forgive them; they know not what they do.” In all the great city with its wilderness of spires and its army of worshippers was there one, even a server at the altar, who would leave his Christmas warmth and comfort and gather together the thieves and prostitutes, the murderers and villains, and stretch pitying hands over them, saying: “Society, forgive them; they know not what they do.” Was there one who could understand these were not mere words) Even one to say to the wealthy men of the. decorous congregation, “Ye are the thieves;” to the bejeweled wives, “Ye are the prostitutes.”

I do not believe Christians think of their Christ at Christmas, save as a pale and forceless memory, as they do on Sunday. Christmas is a custom of feasting and mirth, and that is very well too, but it is not a day for forgiving our enemies. It is a day to do good to them which love us and a day for us to receive good at their hands, and that is very well too, but it is not a day for doing good to them which hate us and despitefully use us. It is a day to forget the toil and stress of life; to taste, in an ignorant way, one sip of the great truth that the best of happiness is in making others happy. It is [6] a holiday festival, a play-day, but his followers do not think of Christ as a real utterer of pradkical precepts, but oniy as a wax image or a gilt name

It was Christmas eve, and a small girl stood before a shop-window crying. This was not at all as it should be on Christmas eve. She was not crying for a sick mother or father, nor because her little brothers and sisters were hungry. She had never known mother or father, sisters or brothers. She was a human weed, sprung up by a stony wayside. That she had endured to the present was a tribute to the doctrine of chances. This wee human thistle stood in front of a brilliantly-lighted window on the principal shopping avenue of the city. She was about ten years of age, but looked seven in size, fifteen in the shrewdness of the hunted. A thin calico dress hung straight and limp from her small bony shoulders, ad below it were two broomstick legs, one in a black and the other in a brown stocking. Through the tattered hosiery showed the pearly flesh of childhood. ‘What satin is there like the skin of young girls? even the half-starved beggar girls of the street. The pearliness was too white, the face too thin and pale. The little hands clenched tightly were like the talons of a bird. Her arms were straight and rigid. ‘The tears flowed down silently and dropped into the dirty snow. Tears [7] of despair. What despair equals that of a child? The human river ran past her with all its eddies of laughter and color. Rosy young girls in rich furs, and pale young shop-girls in cheap imitation; school boys and young men on the Christmas vacation. Messenger boys and package carriers. White-headed men, red-faced men, sick-looking men from shop and factory. Thin bent working-women with the air of toil upon them and the color of foul gas-poisoned atmosphere in their cheeks. Elegantly attired, well-fed, fashionable men and women. All hurrying, all carrying parcels. Out in mid-stream in the street were smart carriages with dashing horses and rattling harness. Coachman and footman on the box in claret, bottle-green, and blue liveries fine stuffed figures, parasites on parasites. Royal. dames in royal furs reclining on the cushions.

The little girl so thin and bedraggled kept her face to the window, and wept. No one noticed her. None had time for her. This was the last hour for foolish virgins to fill their Christmas lamps. All were hurrying like mad either to the final act of shopping or to the waiting home. The ladies in ermine and sable in the carriages would barely have time to be bathed and dressed by their maids and clad in fine linen and purple velvet .for the luxurious half-past eight o’clock dinner. [8]

The little girl had had no dinner and no luncheon and no breakfast, but that was not as bad as it sounds. She was accustomed to eat as the birds do, when she could. But nevertheless this manner of eating, or rather of not eating, was slowly killing her. She would die early of a species of starvation called by the splendid Christmas title of insufficient nutrition. If I chose to pause and philosophize, I could prove in the gentlest of Christian words that this was her own fault. She should have been willing to work, and she should not have been born of poor but criminal parents, and I could prove that the ladies in the carriages who had married for money deserved their sables and ermine, for Virtue is its own reward. I could prove that the poor but criminal parents were poor because criminal, not criminal because poor. But I see a straight thin line, dark against the blazing window, and tears from a childish heart slowly falling into the slush; so I will not pause to demonstrate her guilt Let us assume it. Every one does.

In the window were dolls: boy dolls, girl dolls, baby dolls; straight dolls, fluffy dolls; pink dolls, white dolls, blue dolls; doll-carriages, doll-houses, doll-muffs to keep the little doll-hands warm. The bird-like little claws of the little girl were blue with cold. She was not thinking of the dolls. Some who in fact did notice her crying said to themselves [9] as they hurried on, There is a poor little girl who never had a doll in her life. weeping because she cannot have a beautiful doll. But none stopped to give her one. That occurs in stories. Had there been a rich Good Samaritan of the story-books, he would have led her inside and made her happy with the central blonde beauty as large as herself and in fur-trimmed bonnet and jacket. But the human river Rowed on, never heeding the withered little leaf lodged on the shore.

She was not thinking of the dolls. True, she never had a doll in her life. Such a thing was not for her. It was as if we should cry for the moon. She did not want a doll. Two days before this blessed Christmas tide the little girl had been a professional beggar and petty thief. One must live, you know. For example, how would the omniscient judges, or you, my friend, resolve the morals of this problem? Certain shrewd men get all the bread there is. It is theirs. They have bought the flour and made the bread. It is the only bread to be had, and a starving man who has no money arrives at the place and demands bread, but the bread lords refuse to give it. except for high price. Ought the starving man to die honestly, or steal and dishonestly live? However, you need not trouble to answer the question, for, whichever way you answer it, nevertheless the man will steal. There is something in life which persists in thinking [10] itself of more value than property, and perhaps it is right; for, when you consider all that life has done and may yet do, it is very possible that life is the most precious thing there is. We blow up palaces in conflagration to prevent greater loss. Perhaps for the wretch to steal from them who have all is not the greatest crime. This little slip of a girl begged for her life and stole for it. Life. Life. That wonderful possession for which we fight so hard. True, she was worked in this trade by a villain who lived on his—Rats, as he called them; but, when you have parasites above, you will have parasites below.

She had no memory of home or father or mother. Only of dens and fetid places, of a gnawing where her stomach was and of blows if she did not bring back enough at night She stole to live. Two days before had come Micky Milligan, seller of papers, Arab of the street; and with him came freedom. Freedom is sweet to men and birds alike, even to the poor. Micky was fourteen, and wiser than the cultured plant at forty. He taught her to defy her boss, rescued her from a beating, and was not fool enough to call upon the profit-sharing detective force, but threatened to bring down a brace of reporters from his paper to write up “de hull gang.” Told her to “cut the game, and sweat for herself. What’s de use)” Only the day before he had arranged that she was [11] to sell flowers on the street from a tray. Then suddenly, like the shadow of a summer cloud, he was knocked down by a team of these same jingling horses and carried to the free ward of the hospital, an inert mass of dirt and freckles. A broken leg and a rap on the hard little skull, born to take a good many. When she had gone to the hospital, it was after hours, and the great building, so full of lights, turned her away. She sought a railway station, and, when turned out of that, she huddled against the warm wall of the boiler-room of a factory, in company with half a dozen boys. like snow-birds in the lee of a barn. In the morning—this very morning—the day before Christmas—she had gone early to the great building, and hung about till they told her he was all right, but could speak to no one; that she should come again late in the afternoon. This she did, and had been admitted to the long hail which smelled so nasty but was so nice and warm; and she had seen Micky in his beautiful white bed in a room full of beds, and he said he was now all right except his leg, which would be all right in a bit; and she had taken his money, and, according to his instructions, gone to the flower-merchant and made a deposit for a tray of second-rate carnations on beautiful new toothpicks with a delicate spray of feather asparagus. How her heart beat! She would live honestly; she would make money for [12] them both. For Micky, her beloved. What joy! How the world smiled before her! She was kept waiting at the florist’s a very long time. She was so eager to work. But at last a few minutes before this weeping, she had sallied into the crowd with her modest tray full of certainly modest boutonnières. Very proud was she as she began crying in a shrill voice: “Flowers. Flowers, please, lady. Flowers for your buttonhole, gentleman. Please buy a flower.” And she imagined with swelling joy the money she would make for Micky. As a frail canoe in unskillful hands dashes on the rocks in mid-stream, so she ran into a policeman first thing, who threatened to arrest her for peddling without a license. Without a license! A license to live! It was Christmas eve, and he was a big German; so, after asking the name of the florist, he let her go, receiving from her trembling hands the first of her bouquets as a propitiatory offering.

Alas! Alas! The planets surely frowned upon this human atom; for, as she stood an eager merchant offering her wares to a crowd of young college men, somewhat hilarious with youth, the season, and wine, one, drunken unto foolishness, kicked tray and all into the street, the carnations flew high in air and then glowed in the slush for a moment, and then tray and flowers were quickly ground under hoof and wheel. The kicker laughed idiotically, and forgot instantly what had [13] happened. The others, wreathing arms, hurried off with him. One flung her a two-dollar bank- note. It was snatched from before her eyes by a gaunt, hollow-eyed spectre, who fled across the chaotic street and vanished. And, before she realized these sudden disasters, she was penniless; propertyless; the florist’s tray gone, and Micky in the hospital. The world had come to an end. She burst into tears.

There was some slight commotion, but no one seemed to understand what was the matter, and all hurried past She heard a woman say, “I wonder what that child is crying about,” and her friend answer, “Oh! nothing at all probably. Hurry, or we II miss our car. A few looked at her, but passed on. Then she went to the doll-window, and turned her back to the world and wept her despair. She did not reason. She did what the cub wolf does. She sought to eat. She sought to live. She abandoned profitless virtue, and turned to prey upon her kind. She turned with the salt real tears in her eyes, and with a voice of real misery she begged from the rushing human river. None regarded her. All were too skeptical or too hurried to heed her outstretched cold little talon, or her tremulous, “Please, lady, I’m hungry,” or “Please, gentleman, I’ve a brother in the hospital.” A bishop coming out of the store with the brilliant window, carrying a doll in a box as large as a [14] baby’s coffin, rebuked her: “My child, you should be in better business. Go home.” And, turning to the lady with him, he said: “There. is no greater mistake than to encourage street-beggars. They are the worst of parasites, and should be put into jail.” A truth only less than the truth that there should be no laws giving special privileges to some, making serfs and parasites of all the rest. He ushered the lady into a glittering carriage, followed her, and they drove away. Something of the contrast between her and them; something of the failure of any profit in her relapse to beggary; something of her loss of flowers and tray, Micky’s property; something of Micky’s clean comfortable white bed; and something of hunger and weakness,—made her childish brain whirl; and, seeing another smart and rattling pair of horses approaching (such as did the business for Micky) she rushed into the street and threw herself before them. The coachman set them back on their haunches; there was sliding and slipping and cursing. The big policeman dashed in, and came back like a mastiff carrying a rat, the slim, limp, ragged, dirty little girl. “What the devil did you do that for)” he said, angrily, as he stood her on her feet. “I didn’t go to,” she whined, fearing arrest; “I slipped.” “Did she do it on purpose?” said several, eagerly. “No,” she said, weeping; “I slipped. Let me go. Let me go.” [15]

It was Christmas eve. Every one was in a furious hurry. Each had an engrossing mission all his own. There was no time to be lost on the fleeting woes of a ragged little girl of the street. The knot of people melted back into the hurrying stream as quickly as it had evolved from it. The big policeman held the fragile bird-claw in his burly fist, and eyed his captive. It was a tableau of Virtue triumphant over Vice. And the world flowed past. Richly-appareled women with escorts of supreme elegance; a clergyman of the traditional sleek type, a preacher of ascetic mien. The keen-faced lawyer, the prosperous merchant. Even an undertaker. It was the avenue of fashionable shops, and the street-throng was chiefly fashionable. They looked at the Law and its captive, and said or thought. “Some youthful malefactor, but the Law pill do all for the best. The Law gives and the Law takes away; blessed be the name of the Law!” They swept on, eager in their own anticipations of Christmas.

A woman—the world denied her the title of lady, though she was dressed beyond any of them— was coming up the street. A messenger-boy, evidently her property, followed with a huge pasteboard box. Splendid was her black hat with wealth of sable plumes. Glossy the silver fox collar to her fur-lined dark green coat. Huge her silver fox muff. Great diamonds shone at her ears. [16] Brilliant her dark eyes and white teeth. Almost too small her pretty nose. Babyish and weak her pretty mouth and chin. She trod her way, enjoying the scene, self-confident, independent, looking boldly into the faces of the men she met. She passed a straight, handsome fellow of forty without a sign of recognition. He was one of her lovers. She had many. She was known to half the world as Mabel Richly. She lived upon her beauty. The furs and diamonds were the price of it. She preferred luxury to penury. Her eye saw the tableau: Vice in the triumphant clutch of Virtue. Saw the thin little form, the hollow cheeks, high cheek-bones, tear-stained; the tear-swollen eyes, blue underneath; the rags, dirt, misery. She saw a little child suffering. Without hesitation she pushed her bold way to the scene, and said to the policeman:

“What’s the matter, Gus?” and, without waiting for an answer, she stooped and took the child’s face in her gloved hands, warm from her muff. “What’s the matter, little girl?“ “She tried to commit suicide,” said Gus, with cheerful disgust. “What! So soon! Oh, come, this is a little early,” said the girl (she was only twenty-two), and then, quickly pulling the thin wan face more upward:

“You poor little sinner. You have lovely eyes. You poor little sinner. You’ve got on your summer frock. Aren’t you freezing: God, this [17] isn’t right! Where’s your home) Where does she belong, Gus?” “I ain’t got any,” and partly earnest, partly the beggar’s artifice, the whine and sobs began. “No home,” said the girl, and then repeated, as if the words had struck some chord within her, “No home.” “Where do you go at night?” continued Mabel. “Nowhere,” said the little girl. “Nowhere!” said the girl, in a shivering voice. “Nowhere! Gus, I'm going to take her.” “Oh, hush, Miss Richly,” growled the limb of the law,—a very huge limb,—”What can you do with her?” with a meaning accent on the you. “Feed her, bathe her, clothe her; get her warm. Let her have one warm happy night in her life,” said Mabel, with quivering chin—that babyish chin; “it’s Christmas eve.” From out Mabel’s muff hung the point of a lace handkerchief. Any one could see that it was valuable. This was too much for the hungry little thief. She slipped her hand up to it, and in a twinkling it was gone and thrust through a hole in her dress waist. Gus’s eye caught it as it disappeared. “There,” said he, “she’s a professional thief. I tell you she’s got your handkerchief this minute” and he pulled it out, the little girl looking uninterested and unashamed. It was the fortune of war, that was all. “Of course she has,” said Mabel; “I gave it to her myself when I first came up. I wiped her eyes with it, and gave it to her.” The little girl [18] looked at this pretty liar, and eyed her as if she would come at her secret soul. Lying to save her. She couldn’t understand it. Mabel cut the matter short with an imperative, “Gus, get me a carriage; hurry up.” Gus walked up the street a little way, threw up his hand, and presently a cab halted at the curb. The little girl and the big box were lifted in. the messenger-boy was dismissed with a Christmas tip. Mabel’s fur coat was thrown about the wisp of humanity. “Don’t you forget, it’s your own foolishness,” said Gus, as the cab moved off; “remember, that child’s a professional thief.” “What are you?” shouted Mabel, gleefully, and then sank back muttering, “What am I?“—and she hugged the frail little body. “To the Bazaar,” called Mabel to the cabby, and then to the little girl, “What’s your name?” “Kid,” said the child. Mabel laughed. “I mean your real name:" "I ain’t got any,” whined the child. “How old are you?” “I dunno.” "What were you crying about?” Mabel was still in the process of extracting from the child the tale of her woes and of Micky in the hospital when the cab drew up at the Bazaar.

Mabel pushed her way to the children’s department. Some ladies, jammed as the place was, contrived to draw their dresses away so that she should not touch them. She sat upon a stool and entered upon a shopping spree with all the zest imaginable. She bought the finest and most [19] useless things, ending in blue silk stockings, a fluffy blue silk dress, and blue morocco pumps. She had great fun advising with the pretty but faded shop-girl with dark rings under her eyes. They laughed together over Mabel’s complete forgetfulness as to underwaists and stocking- supporters, as if it were the greatest joke in the world. ‘The shop-girl nodded smilingly every now and then to the kid, who stood shrinking to the smallest possible dimensions beside Mabel. “Now, how much is it?” said Mabel; "I’m awful late.” The sales—girl figured for a few moments, and then said: “A hundred and thirty dollars and eighty-seven cents.” “What!” shrieked Mabel, pretending to faint; “why, I haven’t got half that,” and she poured a crumpled bunch of notes and some silver on the counter. “It’s robbery. No wonder old can keep three establishments. [She named the owner of the Bazaar, but I am afraid to use any name at all for fear that it might be personal.] Send for your floor-walker.” That bald-headed gentleman appeared, rubbing his hands, and Mabel talked low into his ear. “Why, certainly, certainly,” he replied, smiling. “That’s all right,” said he to the sales-girl; “charge to Miss Richly.” “Oh! not all; I’ll pay—let’s see, I’ll pay—well, take forty-five,” she said, pushing it over and taking back the odd change. “Send it out to my carriage, will you?” she added. [20] “Certainly,” said the floor-walker, bowing obsequiously. Men are more liberal-minded than women in some things, as applied to men.

“Home,” said Mabel, nodding to the driver. As they began to proceed slowly through the crush of carriages, the kid poked a small bundle at Mabel, and said: “Here, lady.” It was a fine lace-trimmed nightgown, and more blue silk stockings. “Where did you get these?” said Mabel. “Pinched them,” said the child earnestly, almost eagerly; “they’re for you.” “Oh, dear,” said Mabel, and ordered the driver back to the Bazaar. “See here, Kiddy, you mustn’t steal.” “I got to steals” whined the child. “No, you haven’t,” said Mabel; “not any more. Do you understand? Not any more, and I do not like it. It ain’t right, and you’ll get me into trouble. Now, Kiddy, I’m going to take care of you, but you must never steal again. Never. Promise?” “Yes,” sobbed Kiddy, pushing her face into Mabel’s side, all confused and disheartened. “How am I going to live?” she whined. “With me,” said Mabel, tears starting into her eyes; “with me, Kiddy,” and the prostitute put her arm about the waif.

Mabel found the shop-girl with the tired eyes and returned the things, saying they had got in with the other things by mistake. “Oh, I’m so glad,” said the girl, wiping away a tear; “I was awfully worried. I would have been charged with [21] them. It was just spoiling my Christmas.” Then, on the way home, Mabel, by way of a moral precept from an immoral preceptor, told Kiddy how the poor girl who worked so hard was crying because she would have had to pay for the things.

Arrived at a house with all the curtains closely drawn, but evidently bursting with light within, Mabel touched the bell, and the door was quickly opened by a giant negress. “Mary, pay the man and a Christmas tip, and bring the things up to my room,” said Mabel; and she and Kiddy hurried in. After some preliminary Christmas persiflage. Mary drew from a bosom resembling that of a Goddess of Abundance a roll of bills, paid a dollar and a half to the driver, and carried in the boxes.

The double parlors of the house were gaudily furnished: red damask curtains, chairs and divan covered with red damask. Red wall-paper with a deeper velvet stripe in it. A thick carpet of huge red roses on a green ground. An. onyx-table with gilt legs, and other furniture, and a piano. No books other than two paper-covered novels on the onyx table. Strolling about the room were two or three women of superb figures and in elegant if rather showy costumes, cut extremely low, front and back, to show splendid shoulders and bosoms. One blonde Venus (artificial) in pale blue velvet sat in a gilt-back chair, her elbows on the onyx table, manicuring her nails. She caught sight of [22] Mabel and the child as they passed the door, and called out in a shrill voice: “Hello, Mabel;” and then, in still shriller surprise, “What in the name of God have you got there?” All eyes were turned on Mabel and the waif, and Mabel walked into the room, holding the child by the hand. The child stood quite composedly, looking at the beautiful women and occasionally glancing her eyes over the room. “Well, where did you pick that up?” continued the blonde; “who is she?” "I picked her up in the street” said Mabel, triumphantly; “she’s mine.” “Well, of all the little guttersnipes”—the blonde was saying, when a sharp, “Shut up, Belle,” from Mabel, caused the blonde to shut up. open her eyes, also her mouth, and say quite phlegmatically: “What’s the matter? The matter is this child has no home, and has had nothing to eat since yesterday.” “The poor little young one! Oh, dear! Poor thing!” sounded a chorus from all the beautiful women with tired eyes as they came about the child: and the blonde said: Come out here with me; I'll fix you.” And the tallest of them all, one of queenly figure and a marble white face in which burned deep-set black eyes, stooped down and took the child’s hands, and looked sadly at her, and said:

“Mabel, why don’t you let her die?” “Come with me, Dolly,” said Mabel to her; “we’ll bathe her first, and then see about it. Belle, please, if [23] you don’t mind, order a good supper sent in; plenty of rich milk. Will you?” Dark-eyed Dolly, Mabel, and the child vent upstairs, where the African goddess of bounteous bosoms awaited theme “Mary, prepare a bath,” said Mabel, “and then open those bundles and lay out the clothes in my room.”

“It’s all right for Mabel to bring home little street beggars; it’s her house; but, if one of us did it, it would be different,” said Belle, down in the parlor. “You don’t begrudge that child a warm supper, do you?“ said a slender girl in a golden-brown brocade which went well with her red hair. “No, I don’t,” snapped Belle, “and you know I don’t. Mag, you have the nastiest way about you. ‘What makes you talk like that? I was only thinking how nice it was for Mabel to have her own house.” “And wishing you had yours,” smiled Mag. “Why not? Wishin’ is no crime. If I did have it, I can tell you one thing; there wouldn't be any but ladies in it,” and Belit gathered up her manicuring tools. “Where would you be?” smiled Mag, as Belle swept from the room.

Dolly and Mabel took off their dresses and went to the bathroom, where the warm water was gently steaming in the white porcelain tub. They made the little girl shed her rags, as if she were a snake, and the skin was carried off to be burned. [24] Then they dropped the thin little body gently into the water and wept inwardly to see how thin she was, and they laughed as she clutched Mabel’s arm in a drowning clasp. They took turns in soaping and scrubbing from scalp to toes, and no two girls bathing a doll or a puppy ever enjoyed it. half as much. Kiddy too began to feel the luxury of it, and to be at home. She splashed, and even laughed a timid laugh to see how clean and pearly and pink she was. All this had taken much time, and, as they were rubbing and drying her hair, combing and untangling it, Mary came to say Mr. Demon and two other gentlemen were downstairs. “All right,” said Mabel, and went on eagerly polishing off Kiddy. Belle and Mary arrived with a tray-full of supper, and the four women united in stuffing Kiddy far beyond the limit of safety, beginning with soup and ending with ice cream, but with plain crackers and milk the leading favorite.

Then the dressing began, and it became a high festival. It was decided to put on the gorgeous symphony in blue. Mary came to say that Mr. ‘Waite was downstairs to see Miss Dolly. “All right. Let him wait,” said Dolly; “that suits his name.” Before the finishing touches had been given the lower regions were thronged. Carriages drove up, the front door-bell constantly rang. Other splendid voluptuous-looking women arrived, some of them rather coarse-looking, all of them [25] hail-fellow-well-met. They ran upstairs to see Mabel and her kid, laughing boisterously as they entered and saying they had heard all about it. One of them kissed the child and said she was surely somebody’s love child, and her own eyes filled with tears. Some admired her long lashes, very red little mouth, and delicate skin with blue veins, and said that Mabel was a jewel. All agreed she was looking for trouble. Mabel’s eyes sparkled like jewels, her cheeks glowing with her exertions over the bath-tub, in the parlor the piano was heard shouting and hurrahing in Christmas enthusiasm of the wildest sort, and growing momentarily more excited and reckless. Shouts and laughter drifted up. “She can’t go down there,” said Mabel, significantly. “Sure she can,” said one of the new-corners; “everybody is all right; it’s only Christmas Eve,” and the impetuous new-corner grasped Kiddy by the wrist and led her downstairs in all her cerulean glory.

“Give her to me,” said Mabel; “if she is to go down, I will take her.” The others all ran ahead as couriers, shouting, “Here comes Mabel and her kid.”

The scene had changed. Men were scattered about; some in evening dress, some in business suits. Champagne bottles and glasses were everywhere—on the table, the piano, the mantel, [26] and on tête-à-tête tables which had been brought

in. Every one was drinking. A very dissipated-looking man, immaculately dressed in evening clothes, sat at the piano. His face was bloated and pimply; his hair the thinnest possible thatch to a rubicund scalp. “Billy, play this” and “Billy, play that," they shouted to him, and on the instant he responded to the calls; chiefly waltzes, two-steps, and rag-time, and the airs from the latest musical vaudeville. Sometimes there was a call for Faust or Lohengrin or Carmen or some such classical music, which he played with the same bold brilliancy and about the same expression as his cake-walks.

A beardless, withered, weazen-faced monkey you mistook for a faded boy till a second glance assured you that he was seventy if he was a day and wore a wig and had false teeth was also faultlessly attired in evening dress and glittering with rings, fob, studs, and a bracelet. He went about with a bottle and a glass, presenting the bubbling golden draught to each beauty in turn and kissing her shoulders and bosom. Here and there a fair nymph sat upon the knee of her faun or satyr, and patted his cheek, and kissed him. It was Billy and Jack and Belle and Maud, Bob and Flora, calling from one end of the room to the other. Occasionally a mare demure ‘Mr. Smith,” or, “Your friend.” Shouting, laughter, and a [27] babel of voices, and the lively piano rollicking through it all with Billy swaying before the keys.

“Here comes Mabel and her kid.” The babel subsided. Mabel and the child paused upon the staircase, and through the open double doorway looked upon the scene. Billy glanced over his shoulder and began to play, “Hail to the Chief.” The child shrank against Mabel, and made a charming blue spot against Mabel’s old rose satin dress. All were crowding to the doorway and staring at the child peering out between the banisters. “Well, ladies and gentlemen,” said Mabel; “if you think this is a menagerie, come up here behind the bars, and Kiddy and I will poke umbrellas at you.” Billy played a bar or two of, “Oh, I went to the Animal Fair,” and then, as Mabel and the child descended, he struck up the wedding march from Lohengrin. “Hello, Bob. Is that for us?” she laughed, nodding toward the piano, and holding out both hands impulsively to the gentleman whom she had passed a few hours before on the street without recognition,—Mr. Bob Denton. He introduced two friends, and she received them with quite conventional dignity. “Ladies and gentlemen,” said she, “this is Christmas Eve, and, if Billy will stop that racket for a moment, I want to tell you a little Christmas story. Out in St. Luke’s Hospital is a little newsboy who won’t have any Christmas to-morrow. [28] He hasn’t any father or mother, sister or brother, not a soul who cares whether he lives or dies except this little girl here. He fought for her, gave her the last cent he had, and was knocked down by a pair of carriage-horses and his leg broken. He hasn’t a cent in the world, and is sick and without friends. Everybody flit your glasses. Here’s a Merry Christmas to Mickey Milligan! How much are you going to give. Bob? Remember, it’s Christmas Eve.” “How much do you want?” laughed Bob. “All I can get.” Billy commenced to play softly Verdi’s Ave Maria, as if the deacons were passing the plate, which was better than could have been expected of him. Bob called for a piece of paper, and made himself trustee, and subscribed a goodly sum, and then carried the paper around. Billy was the only one who shook his head. He said, “Don’t you see my hands are occupied?“ All laughed, and apparently expected nothing from him. When Bob approached the withered monkey, he was talking with Mag, the red-haired girl in the brown brocade. She said, “Don’t bother Mr. Carew now, Bob. He is going to give through me.” It was like an auction. All the women vied with each other in pushing their men to the highest figures. When Mabel saw the completed paper, she clapped her hands joyfully and, looking over Bob’s shoulder, said, “But the Dickey Bird isn’t down,”—the Dickey Bird being [29] the Monkey, otherwise Mr. Carew. “Mr. Carew,” said the copper-haired Venus, “does not care to write his name.” “No,” said Mr. Carew, smirking. “But,” continued she, “he is glad to give this trifle.” Saying which, she laid in Bob Denton’s hand one of Mr. Carew’s huge pearl studs worth a thousand dollars at least, which she had abstracted while treacherously fondling that little monstrosity. “No, no,” shrieked the monkey, and all laughed and shouted, “So good of you. Hear. Hear. Hurrah for the Dickey Bird!” Till he was glad-to ransom his pearl for half its value.

The waif was looking with dark solemn eyes at those who led her about, kissed her, held her in their laps. Surely she was in Fairyland or Heaven, only she had never heard of either. She was warm, arid full-fed, and clean, and dressed like a princess, if she had ever heard of one. Her eyes were growing heavy. “What is her name?” “She has none.” “We’ll christen her,” said Billy; “what shall her name be? I had a little sister once; I remember her about this age; her name was Anne. We’ll call her Anne.” “Here’s to Anne!” they shouted, gleefully. “Bumpers to Anne!” And Billy struck up Bonnie Annie Laurie, which was sung by the congregation.

“Now, Kiddy, you can hardly keep your eyes open. Come to bed, and tomorrow we’ll go see Mickey, and take him everything he wants and [30] more too, and take care of him. You must thank all these kind gentlemen for helping you and Mickey and me, and wish them Merry Christmas.” “Merry Christmas!” replied the child, in a dazed, sleepy voice. “What are you going to make of her, Mabel?“ said Billy. Mabel hesitated a moment, and then said defiantly, “A good woman, or”—and a sob seemed to catch in her voice—”cut her throat” There was a solemn silence, and at that instant bells were heard booming and clanging over the city, and a shout went up, “Merry Christmas! Merry Christmas, Mabel! Merry Christmas, little Anne!” The piano shouted a Christmas carol.

Mabel and the child went up to Mabel’s room. Mary was sent downstairs with the big box which the boy following Mabel had been carrying. Shouts and screams and peals of laughter came upstairs, for in it was a grotesque present for every one, including a dickey bird which wagged its head three times and hopped twice, for Mr. Carew. Mabel kissed her good night, and ran down to join the frolic.

Presently little Anne sank to exquisite slumber in Mabel’s own bed, soothing and delicious sleep on the soft pillows and between the cool sweet sheets of sin.

The next day, Christ’s Day, the bishop [31] preached an eloquent sermon to a most brilliant congregation on the text, “Verily I say unto you, inasmuch as ye have done it unto the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me.”

Francis Du Bosque.

A HEALTHY SIGN

“If you mention the word ‘Liberty’ at Columbus,” said an Ohio State senator to me, “everybody gets frightened; they think you are talking Socialism or Anarchy!”

This is a healthy sign. Time was when “Liberty” was a word to conjure with; when every politician, every procurer of law-created privilege, proclaimed himself its champion. This change shows some analysis. Proceeding thus, they will discover the difference between Socialism and Anarchism.

But why get hysterical? Even when their victims shall also sense the true kinship of Liberty, the plutocratic law-makers will have no good reason for being frightened. For then the time shall dawn when even they will be able to get a comfortable living, honestly.

Fred Schulder. [32]

WHO IS A RASCAL?

I wish to propound the question—I should be glad to be able to answer it; perhaps writing will cause me to make up my mind on some of the points involved, and I shall offer an answer before I finish the article, as sometimes happens to me— how far certain terms of opprobrium, which connote wilful misdoing, are applicable (with that connotation) to people who do amiss without realizing it,

If a man categorically asserts a thing which he believes to be true, and does not intimate by word or tone that his knowledge is less than positive certainty; if nevertheless this man has neglected to provide himself with any’ such basis of knowledge as entitles his testimony to any weight at all; and if the thing that he says happens not to be so,— is he a liar? If he is, then (as Scott misquoted Falstaff) “how we men are given to lying!”

If a man has succeeded in persuading himself that he is devoted to certain principles and that his actions are determined by conformity to these principles; if he then makes this same profession before his neighbors; if nevertheless his devotion to these principles is merely formal, the connection of these principles with his actions purely artificial; and many of his actions such as any reasonable interpretation of his principles would emphatically [33] forbid,—is he a hypocrite? Here we may appeal to the history of the word. For all our modem use of the word “hypocrite” is founded on the use of this word by Jesus Christ;* and, if human nature acted the same then as now, we cannot suppose that most of those whom he called “hypocrites” were conscious of not being God’s most faithful - servants.

If a man believes that what the law gives him is his, and thereupon diligently takes to himself goods which are given to him by an unjust law without thinking it worth his while to study the question whether this particular law is just or unjust; or if he believes that what a just law gives him is his, and then takes goods under an actually unjust law which he regards as correct and practical and public-spirited and good for the country, while he despises as pernicious theoretical moonshine the law which would really be just and would stop his profits; or if he is incapable of seeking any unjust gain for himself privately, but will decree that his government shall commit acts of rapacity,—is he a thief?

If a man who is heartily opposed to bribery commits an act which has the effect and ordinary [34] form of bribery, without realizing that he is exerting any illegitimate influence, is he a corruptionist? Doubtless America’s foremost instance in our day is the way in which that undeniably upright men, John Wanamaker, who is so innocent that he cannot foresee what wickedness some people’s interpretation will find in his acts,** raised $400,000 to be handed to that most notorious corruptionist, Matthew S. Quay, hi the last days of a presidential campaign, and then immediately accepted a postmaster-generalship under the president whom Quay had succeeded in electing, and whom Quay was supposed to be advising. But perhaps a still more illuminating case, is that of some W. C. T. U. ladies I heard of, who set up a coffee-stand near the polls, and dealt out their best coffee freely to those who would vote no license—and to no others. They wanted to induce men to vote their way, and their innocent heath never dreamed that no bribery of voters could be more formal and barefaced than theirs.

There is no need of prejudicing these questions by making the point that it is bad business to call names anyhow. Whether this is true or not, the [35] man who Wants to defend a friend has just as much interest in knowing whether certain conduct falls within or without the definition of dishonesty as has the man who wants to disparage an enemy.

Besides setting aside this point, we may set off certain parts of our questions as not likely to be disputed by competent persons; for instance, that dishonesty consists in the substance of the thing done and not in its form. It is said that robbers asked St. Francis of Assisi where a certain man, whom they were pursuing, had gone. “He has not gone this way,” replied the saint—and ran his hand up his sleeve. Whatever may be said in defence of his lie, it was just as much a lie as if he had kept his hand out of his sleeve. And, if a law which gives a husband control of his wife’s property is unjust, then a husband who takes advantage of such a law to take to himself part of his wife’s earnings or patrimony is guilty of robbery in the same degree—all other things, including his knowledge of the nature of his act, being equal—as if he had taken the same from some other woman who could have prosecuted him. This we will take as agreed, and also that muddle-headed mischief does the same harm to the sufferers as wilful mischief. If a man takes or destroys my property by misunderstanding, I am just as much out as if he had meant to rob me; and there is just as much motive for taking repressive [36] measures against him in the on& case as in the other, provided there is the same hope that they will be effective. If a man misstates facts because he is (so far as ordinary judgment can see) constitutionally incapable of seeing the difference between correct and incorrect statement, the deceived man gets no great relief by hearing that his informant is incapable of an intentional lie.

Of course it is possible to dodge all debatable questions of language by paraphrasing. You may say of your careless friend that he never permits himself to make any statement which he knows or believes to be untrue, and of your careless enemy that he is a man whose word cannot be believed under oath; and both statements may be unimpeachably correct, while the two men may be as like as any two peas as regards their relation to the truth. I say both statements may be correct; but about a man of the careless type or the muddle-headed type the latter is much likelier to be quite correct than the former. For there is nothing more absolute than the unreliability of a man who does not know the truth from a falsehood, and no firm determination on his part to be honest can affect his unreliability. He is a much less credible witness than the clear-headed wilful liar, for the latter will tell the truth when he chooses, while it is extraordinary if the former tells the truth about anything beyond the extremely simple. [37] Even if the liar has become such a slave to habit that he lies when it is obviously for his interest to tell the truth, as is the case with some liars, he is at least no less credible than the hopeless blunderer.

I do not believe, however, that the thoroughly clear-headed liar is a very common animal. Accurate apprehension of truth is so difficult to the human race that a man is not likely to get it in a high degree unless he devotes himself to the investigation of truth quite carefully. This carefulness is not so likely to be undertaken except by those who are distinctly the. friends and partisans of truth; and, when a man has taken all the trouble of picking out the truth for himself, he is likely to set such a value on his acquisition that he will insist on using that, and not a substitute, wherever he can. So the man who is not particular about telling the truth is not likely to be the man who particularly knows the truth.

This thought may help us to appraise the statement Darwin made in his later years (in the brief autobiography printed at the beginning of his “Life and Letters”) that in all his life he had known only two cases in which anybody told a downright lie. This statement is to be compared with the words of George Bernard Shaw’s soldier in Arms and the Man, where he intimates that the practice of daily lying is so universal that one is justified in disbelieving the sincerity of any person [38] who demands that his word be’ regarded as above suspicion. Of the two witnesses, Darwin is much more credible than Shaw. Darwin was to an unusual degree devoted to truth, habituated to accuracy, and conscious of the possibility that unexpected importance may attach to any statement whatever; he had no motive for falsehood in this case, and he made his statement deliberately as a matter worth paying attention to. Shaw’s high reputation does not lie especially along the line of scientific accuracy, whatever may be his artistic accuracy. It is of course to be assumed that Darwin uses “lie” in a very narrow sense. And yet one cannot help thinking that, if Darwin had been not a naturalist but a journalist, a politician, or a lawyer, he might have been able to remember at least a round half-dozen lies in his life, after making all possible allowances. Darwin had, in my judgment, two protections against hearing lies. First, he paid attention mainly to topics on which men have less temptation to lie than on some; but second, he dealt largely with men of science, and a man who spends his life in the study of truth is less likely to be willing to lie.

As a contribution to this study I would cite the case of the man I know best. I don’t myself lie daily as Shaw would have us all do. The last time I gave plausible ground for a charge of lying, so far as I know, was in 1899, when my bicycle [39] was new. I rode down town without a light at night, and a constable held me up and proposed to arrest me and asked me if I didn’t know the law against riding without lights after dark. Having to answer hastily, and being desirous to answer persuasively, I said I didn’t. Now, the fact was that I did know, in the background of my memory. that there was some sort of an ordinance posted up on a tree, of which I remembered the clause that forbade riding on the sidewalk, and I remembered that there was something else. If I had not had to answer him without taking time for thought, I should certainly have figured out that the reason why I did not remember the last part was because I had not expected, at the time when I took notice of, the sign, to be riding after dark at all, and that this part of the sign must be the requirement of lights—as was in fact the case. My judgment at the time, after thinking the matter over, was that I had not been lying; but I felt that I had come nearer to it than I had ever come in I couldn’t say how many years, and it gave me a severe psychical shake-up.

What I mean by lying, for myself, is the use of language or its equivalent so as to be avoidably deceptive. I call it lying to tell a man on the first of April that there is a long hair on his coat-collar, when there isn’t; or, being asked the way to the lunatic asylum, to point to the city hail in silence; [40] or to tell an illiterate man that there isn’t a sesquipedalian mosquito on my place, expecting that he will most probably take “sesquipedalian” as a mere word of profane emphasis. And these things I don’t do. But I do not hold myself bound, as U. S. Grant is said to have done, to chase up a man and correct myself if I find that I have accidentally misstated some utterly unessential matter; nor do I object to telling of that Western county which is good for most kinds of farming, but cannot raise melons because the soil is so rich that the melons get bumped to pieces by the speed with which the growth of the vines drags them over the ground—for I do not think that in telling this story I am causing anybody to believe what is not so; nor do I think it a lie to give a gray-haired conservative the most accurate and intelligible account of Anarchism that I can, even though I know that he will certainly contrive to misunderstand it utterly. Nor do I hold myself bound to refrain from such obvious rhetorical exaggerations as the words “there is nothing more absolute” five paragraphs back; but from a literary standpoint 1 think it wiser to avoid such, for superlatives and universals are much more effective if reserved for the occasions where they are Literally true. Such occasions are not scarce if one will pick his words, and not say that a thing is “the vilest outrage recorded in all the history of [41] the human race” when he means “it has features of vileness which outdo anything I ever read of.” The more accurate statement is by far the more effective because of its more special tone. Young writers should be told to take a lesson from the weather bureau, which, by such carefully limited statements as “the hottest 13th of May in twenty- seven years.” is able to keep up a constant stream of announcements of broken records, every one sensational enough to take a scare-head in the paper, and every one scientifically accurate. So, If 1 had not meant to use “there is nothing more absolute than the unreliability of a man who” as an illustration down here. I might wisely have changed it to “no man can be more perpetually unreliable than one who,” first for the sake of saying a better thing, and second for the sake of what Plato well says: “To speak amiss is not only unworkmanlike in itself, but it also damages the speaker’s intellect.”

And, finally, when I say that I do not tell lies, I do not mean that I never assert with the air of knowledge a thing about which l have neglected to get properly reliable knowledge. I strive against this foul and noisome vice, and I am as free from it as some of my neighbors; but I do not claim to be so far free from this as I am from asserting things which, to the best of my knowledge, are most probably not true. Therefore, while I [42] believe that the testimony I have given is relevant to Shaw’s charges against mankind, I cannot absolutely assert that I am not a liar till I have an idea whether unwarranted positiveness is to be called lying.

Another reservation we may make. George Macdonald (I mean the religious George, not the irreligious George E.) makes a Scotch character in one of his novels say “A lee is a lee, whether the leear be a leear or no!” I have often been reminded of this; for instance, when I was reading of some old document that undertook to accomplish its purpose (perhaps a very laudable purpose’) by getting its purely fictitious statements believed as facts, and the apologist comes saying “We must not regard this as falsehood, for such fictions were a regular literary custom at that time.” ft appears to me that the lee is a lee, however it may be with the leear. In like manner we may reserve the right to claim that theft is theft even if the thief be not a thief. Our judgment of the actor need not conclusively determine our judgment of the act. But it should not be forgotten that Macdonald’s Kirsty does not make herself responsible for the assertion that the leear is not a leear. We still have this point to settle.

We may rest our terminology on two bases: first, current usage; second, the desirability of a [43] certain use of words as helping the mind to keep apart things that are essentially different and to keep together things that are fundamentally identical.

As to usage, there can be little doubt of its tendency to restrict as narrowly as possible the application of all terms of opprobrium. Probably the men whom Jesus Christ called hypocrites would not in general be called hypocrites by a careful speaker of the present day. If a man who did not intend to commit theft or falsehood is called a thief or a liar, the ordinary presumption is that the man who calls him so is too ignorant of human life to realize even the possibility of such a relation of circumstances, motives, etc., as the actual case embodies. (Of course it may be that the ignoramus has any number of years’ experience from ten to ninety, and that he is especially proud—very probably even boastful—of his knowledge of the world and his insight into human nature. We all know that such things, do not involve the possession of actual wisdom, except in our own case.) From this it follows in turn that, if a man calls the Pharisees of our day “hypocrites,” or calls the traditionalists who cannot see falsehood in anything that supports their cause “liars,” or calls the money-changers and dove-sellers of our day “thieves,” he must expect the more intelligent section of public opinion to set him down as an [44] ignoramus whose words are based on a misconception of facts. This will give us pause if we are prudent.

But prudence is understood to be a virtue, and since the publication of Stirner’s book we are not supposed to care much for virtues. Jesus Christ, whose words I have been quoting, was not prudent. He cared no more whether intelligent public opinion respected him than he did whether it spared his life. He would sooner utter a word that would receive the contempt of thousands, and the indifference of other thousands, and the gaping non-comprehension of thousands more, and enlighten a few, than a word which would receive the respectful attention of all the wise owls and open-mouthed sparrows in Palestine and enlighten nobody at all. Hence his ultimate influence on the course of human life and thought was greater than Gamaliel’s. Those who care more for conveying an idea than for getting a respectful hearing may let his example encourage them to see if anything can be said for the more sweeping use of words.

We can at least eliminate the test which the law has so foolishly established for the responsibility of the criminal insane. Did he know it was wrong)” Ever since history began, conservatives have been officially butchering radicals and radicals have been assassinating conservatives (or, as in [45] Marat’s case, vice versa) in the firm belief that they were serving the holiest of causes; and in no case have the friends of the victims doubted that it was murder, however clear the murderers’ consciences may have been. No good purpose would be served by denying that those who commit such murders are murderers. It would merely encourage them (and others) to regard their, act as something different from murder. The act is essentially identical with any other murder, and it is highly important that everybody should recognize this identity.

And we can at least eliminate the idea that the act becomes different by being the act of many. To be sure, this idea is very current, not only in the well-known case of the soldier, but all the way down through all sorts f organizations and unorganized relations, down to the child who feels that the most vital fact relating to his action is that “all the boys were doing it” and the law of solidarity compelled him to be one of them. (An interesting offshoot is the person who would not hire a man to do a certain thing, but who will, along with the rest of the public, pay a nickel or a quarter for a satisfaction which is procured by somebody’s doing that thing.) But, however current this idea may be, we cannot be wrong in declaring it altogether unsound both philosophically and socially. A man cannot disown his personality [46] and declare his act to be something else than his act. Human actions are done only by individuals. And it is in the highest degree harmful to all progress and helpful to all evil when men feel as if their acts were not their own acts but those of the mass whose bulk gives them effect. Everybody— by all means beginning with the small boy—should be encouraged to feel that even when he acts as part of a mass, he still acts under absolute individual responsibility. Therefore language should assume this.

There remain two points which are probably the likeliest to produce insoluble doubt or irreconcilable disagreement in our inquiry: the point of motive and the point of a man’s consciousness of the nature of his actions. As to the first of these, I for my part am ready to give a decision. We cannot afford to make such classification as these depend on motive. A man’s motives are often inscrutable to the man himself, and are exceedingly apt to be inscrutable to his neighbors. The likeliest thing about them is that they will be so mixed that no classification of the man as acting in a certain way from certain motives will be mare than half correct. And if all motives were clearly known, and were simple enough to fit into a classification, it would still not seem very appropriate to classify men by designations that refer primarily to actions, and [47] then put men into different parts of this classification because they had been led by different motives to do the same thing in the same way. I think, also, that the main part of usage is on this side. If a man murders or steals or lies for the purpose of doing good, it is ordinary to call him a murderer or a thief or a liar unless some other circumstance modifies the judgment. To be sure, a man who steals for fun is not called a thief: but a man who murders for fun is called a murderer, and a man who lies for fun is called a liar, though in this case the word “liar” is regarded as having lost its sting. I think we may fairly say that the refusal to call the jocular thief a thief is an inconsistency which the analogy of the rest of usage condemns.

I wonder, by the way, why the motive of fun is generally allowed as an excuse for almost anything, while other good motives, such as benevolence, are not granted the same indulgence. Is it assumed that the person who commits malicious mischief for fun is so nearly insane that he is entitled to the grace which the law metes out to insane criminals? (Compare Prov. 26: 18-19.) Or is it because fun is so rare a jewel that no scrap of it can on any account be spared? Or is it—this will probably hit the mark—because the spirit of fun is so much the best part of human nature that a man who cannot see fun in a thing [48] done for fun must be set down as a degenerate? At any rate, it is fortunate for stupid people that one can so easily, without any exertion of the brain, have the fun of lying to a man and then laughing at him for having believed you. And the idea that something of the sort is essential to fun seems to be so general that I think it necessary, since I have said that I am not in the habit of lying, to add explicitly that I get a good deal of fun out of life. I am sure some of my readers had been inferring that I didn’t.

But we have now got to the point where the whole issue hinges on the excuse that the man does not know what he is doing. Shall we admit that no man who thinks he is telling the truth is a liar; that no man who thinks he is acting within his rights is a thief; that no man who thinks himself sincere is a hypocrite; and so on?

I find myself disposed to give a mixed answer. As to lying we doubtless agree that when doctors fifteen years ago assured their patients that the contagion of yellow fever was sometimes conveyed by infected clothing, they were not liars. They knew no better, and could not be expected to know better. Now, when that eminent scientist Alfred Russel Wallace writes a book against vaccination and crams it with forged statistics which he has supposed to be reliable because he found them set forth as facts by respectable [49] looking men, shall we judge differently of him He also knew no better; the only difference is that he ought to have known better; he did not exercise due scientific caution in verifying his facts. But if we make the question whether a man is a liar depend on whether he ought to have known better, whether he had exercised due care- before speaking, we are making it depend on a point distinctly harder to ascertain than whether he did not know better; thereby we contribute to confusion in the use of the word; so let us not do it.

As to stealing, we doubtless agree that a man is not a thief if in a Communistic community he helps himself to such goods as he is expected to help himself to. Now, suppose one comes from a region where there is such a measure of Communism in grapes that any man passing by an extensive vineyard is welcome to eat a handful, and goes to Yates county, N. Y., where the penalty against such actions is rather severe and the enforcement rather strict and the grape growers’ opinion in favor of the law and its enforcement rather emphatic, and suppose he helps himself to a bunch of grapes there. It may perhaps be necessary to treat him as a thief; but, if we also call him one, we shall make the quality of thievishness inhere not in the man and his actions but in the way other people feel [50] toward him. Again, we may agree that a man is not a thief if he tries to take possession of money due to him in regular wages, but forcibly and wrongfully withheld from him; nor if he insists on not paying an extortionate and ungrounded charge for alleged wages. Now, if a man has hired another to do some work, and the work has been done, and the price was not named in advance, and the customs and precedents known to the one man do not agree with those known to the other, and the two men are not able to come to terms about the price and each tries to enforce his own claim, and is temporarily successful in doing so, we shall probably call them both foolish, and shall certainly adjudge the money to one of them; but shall we call the other one a thief for what he did in insisting on what he supposed to be his rights) if we did so, the conclusion would be that a little ignorance may be the only difference between a thief and an honest man. Or suppose that Smith has a title to some idle land, and bath Smith and Jones believe the title to valid; that both Smith and Jones believe that in permitting Jones to use this land Smith Is doing Jones a service which should in fairness be paid for; that Jones does pay Smith a rent which both men agree upon as fair; but that Smith’s title is not in fact valid. Shall we call Smith a [51] thief? It would seem exceedingly harsh. Yet if Brown, holding a similar title and knowing that his title is void and that the land is properly free to Jones’s occupancy, takes advantage of Jones’s ignorance to collect the same rent, we shall doubtless call Brown a thief.

Now, see what we come to if we make this distinction between Smith and Brown. We are making a man’s status as a thief depend either on his knowledge of the civil law, or on his readiness to admit that the civil law is not conclusive as to the proper title to land, or on the soundness of his views as to the titles which might properly be recognized on a basis other than the present civil law, or on his being aware of the fact that a certain principle regarding titles to land has been disputed, or on his ability to see both sides of a disputed question, or on some such standard of intelligence. In the various beliefs that he may hold there are all the possible grades of ignorance, forgetfulness, inattention, “moral certainty,” provisional decision, indecision, assurance based on prejudice, and assurance based on evidence. If we say that his being a thief depends on his being aware of the invalidity of his title, we shall find ourselves in a very quagmire of psychological indeterminateness, where our only possible footing will be upon the proposition that in most of the cases where the [52] accused does not confess himself a thief—that is, the cases in which anybody cares to have such a criterion as we are seeking—nobody can know whether he is a thief or not.

The most satisfactory conclusion that I can see is that every man who violates another’s rights of property, especially with mischievous effect, is a thief, even if he thinks he is doing what he has a perfect right to do. Ignorantia facti excusat, ignorantia juris neminem excusat, says the brocard: “ignorance of fact is an excuse, ignorance of right is no excuse for anybody.” The man who ate the grapes is excused by ignorance of fact, not knowing the fact of the owner’s unwillingness; but the man who pulls down a child’s wigwam of old fence-boards because its ugliness is an eyesore to him, knowing the fact of the child’s unwillingness but holding that a child’s impromptu hut is not a thing that need be respected, is not excused by his ignorance of right.

I see the unacceptable conclusion that as a man may be ignorantly a thief, and so (if he be innocently ignorant) innocently a thief. But it will be no easy job to keep clear of acknowledging innocent thieves even if we allow ignorance of right to be an excuse; and we should get ourselves into more entanglements than the reader’s patience would bear, before we could [53] determine whether all ignorance of right should be an excuse, or only some, and, if so, what.

Well, I have long wanted tp have an opinion as to when a man is a liar or a thief, and I congratulate myself on having at length acquired one. As Eltzbacher says at the end of his book, the personal want has received some satisfaction. Be it understood, now, that according to me Roosevelt is a thief when he sends his collectors to collect the tariff, but he is not a liar when he says he is not a thief, even though as a Harvard graduate he ought to know better. Whether he is a hypocrite I may perhaps decide hereafter. It is time now to rest.

Steven T. Byington.

[54]

Thoughts compelled from out the hidden
Frequently are inexact:
But the thought that comes unbidden
Is the one that fits the fact.

Rabbi Ben Gessing.

UNBIDDEN THOUGHTS

That our purity as a people may be advertised as from a White housetop, Mr. George Bernard Shaw proposes that Roosevelt step out of the presidency and let Comstock have the office forever. Mr. Shaw means to be facetious, but this is too serious a matter to be handled as a joke. Who knows that Theodore would not jump into the place Anthony would have to leave vacant, and thus make us sorry we did not let bad enough alone) The change would most certainly be for the worse, as we should learn when the strenuous one got busy. For there can hardly be in the country two men more alike than Comstock and Roosevelt, and, if there is any difference in the degree of likeness, Roosevelt is most like Comstock.

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This picture of the land we adore and of the men we elect and distrust is reflected across the intervening wet from the columns of “Reynolds’s Newspaper:"

Although the North American republic is a country in which the sex tie is almost ignored; in which bribery and corruption in every rank is practised; and where there is an enormous amount of crime,—there is still a curious tendency, on every available occasion, [55] among public men, to preach. A distinguished American professor has traced this phenomenon to the still-existing influence of the Pilgrim Fathers. Be that as it may. America is the world's depot for the manufacture of new religions, and of an almost absolute ignorance of modem biblical criticism. not to say science, except when it impinges upon inventions for commercial purposes.

For the almost ignoring of the sex-tie in America I am content to rely upon Reynolds’s information. I have no criminal knowledge of the facts and no fixed delusions on the subject I go no farther than to accept the generalization o1 Mr. Howells that man is imperfectly monogamous. Just the same, when, in the first State in the Union, within the past six months two sex-tie laws have lapsed into force,—the Grannis-Doane adultery law and the marriage license Jaw,—we somehow do not seem to be getting credit from abroad for the austerities which we profess; and, if virtue were not its own reward, we might well be discouraged. The complaint I have quoted is unexpected, too, seeing that we take our sex-ties from the lord bishop of London as we do our neckties from the prince of Wales. Anyone who has read Professor Giddings’s “Natural History of American Morals" might conclude that our indifference to sex-ties (admitted for the sake, of the illustration), as well as our proneness to preach, is traceable to “the still-existing influence of the Pilgrim Fathers”—from England. [56]

How our sins come back at. us! Only in the last number of Liberty I let fall the remark—with no thought of its going further—that our public men, after a week upon the stage of political affairs, had a curious tendency to preach on Sunday, or to “double in religion” as a versatile artist doubles in brass. The Reynolds person could have done better than to echo a chance observation. Instead of commenting on the preaching of America’s public men, as though it were something unique, he ought to have proposed that some of our statesmen and economists who are addicted to prelection should exchange pulpits or enter into a sermon competition with his own lay sky-pilots, Sir Oliver Lodge, Mr. Birrell, or even George Bernard Shaw.

When the public men of America are thus aspersed, I must move to their defence. Although our immortals (who will be forgotten after the next election) may know nothing about modern biblical criticism, that is not a fault—it is their boast. And while, as alleged, they rarely overlook an economic opportunity, their commercial instinct proves to be their salvation, since it forbids that a single one of them should ever risk a dollar of a vote on the conclusions of the evolutionists or on the investigations and reports of the Higher Critics. Their self-control is so absolute that they will never permit themselves to disturb either the [57] belief or the knowledge of the most credulous and ignorant of their followers. “God save the State” if it ever falls into the hands of any other kind of men!

An ordinance that has been introduced in the New York board of aldermen forbids the proprietors of hotels, restaurants, and other places of entertainment to allow men to smoke in the public rooms, but says nothing against men smoking in such rooms in the presence of the females of their species. As the only way they can make smoking at close range inoffensive to them is to burn a little tobacco themselves, the women who would rather smoke than be smoked can only regard such an ordinance as a denial of the first law of nature, which is self-defence.

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The White House geyser gushed freely on December 17, when Boston was celebrating the centennial of Whittier. This is the way it played on the celebrants:

I do not for one moment subscribe to the belief that we can divorce the art of the artist, and especially the art of the man of letters, from character and from the teachings that mould character.

In choosing our poets, therefore, we should exercise no less care than in appointing a United States marshal, and never fix upon one who has been convicted of a crime less serious than bumping [58] off a fellow-man. Full knowledge of a poet’s character must precede judgment of the product of his pen. Unless his reputation is unspotted, we only encourage vice when we admit that his work deserves to be called poetry. His art cannot be segregated from his personal achievements in industry, sobriety, and chastity. By this definition, it will be seen, the “character” you get with a maid-servant from her last employer is poetry.

Some men would have been satisfied to hand an assemblage a raw thought like that and let them chew it, but Mr. Roosevelt passes out a second portion.

It seems to me that all good Americans should feel peculiar pride in Whittier because he combined the power of expression and the great gift of poet with a flaming zeal or righteousness which made him the leader in matters of the spirit no less than of the intellect.

Any other opinion than the one set forth in the first quotation—that a man’s poetry can be only as good as his conduct—we could not look for from the same source, for that is the opinion of the common mind, which our president reflects. It is the expression of that conservatism which denies merit to the “Ballad of Reading Gaol.” But Teddy got in wrong when he went on to say that Whittier had a “zeal for righteousness.” He can’t have been familiar with Whittier's life and views. Righteousness [59] means two things—the raising of a large family and the keeping in training for a fight; and Whittier was a bachelor and a Quaker. He never married. He held it was better to be comfortable than to be numerous, and he wouldn’t fight. Now, in our endeavors to keep up the population, he that is not for us is against us, and the hand that knocks the cradle isn’t the hand that stocks the world. Roosevelt talks at random and without information when poets are his theme. A while back he subscribed (in words) to the Shelley memorial, implying that deceased was a great poet; and yet when you look at the religion and morals of Shelley, you discern nothing to suggest that ‘he could write poetry for sour apples. His art was never married to such a character as common minds admire. ‘Whittier was disloyal by reason of his aversion to war and a wife, thereby falling short of righteousness in two essentials. And Shelley, the Atheist the near-Anarchist, the rebel against social usages, the man who called war the hired assassin’s trade,—is it likely that he could write poetry fit for any place but the inside of a freight-car? No, sir. As righteousness cannot be separated from the fight and the family, neither can the art of poetry be divorced from Mrs. Grannis.

----- [60]

Censoring fake advertisements has done worse than 10 take the profit out of them for the frauds who put them in the papers. It has a more serious result in depriving the public of the valuable lessons it gets from being taken in. That a bad policy which prevents persons endowed with wits from using them to sharpen the perceptive faculties of their fellow-men. The protection of mankind from the consequences of their folly, observes Mr. Spencer, in effect, is the policy best calculated to cultivate a race of fools. The only fake advertiser that ever parted me from my money is the government itself. I maintain that if the government is going to advertise books by shutting them out of the mails on the ground of indecency, good faith between State and subject demands that it put men on the job whose judgment we can rely upon. Regarding a book suppressed as a menace to public morals, there ought to be no doubt of its being as the censors represent. Here is where cause is given for complaint The censors have a way of finding danger to morals in writings of the kind that instead of making the reader want to do something devilish, only put him to sleep. The prosecution of a book by the government should be a guarantee that it is worth reading; but the man who nowadays proceeds on that theory in selecting his literature has disappointment [61] in store for him. Talk about fake advertisements! None is such a bald fake as the government is guilty of when it advertises a book by prosecuting it, and the book upon examination does not turn out to be as represented. Pretty soon no attention whatever will be paid to the efforts of the post-office to stimulate the sale of books by closing the mails against them. Who is responsible when the public is misled as it is in most cases? I will leave that to be determined by Editor Hapgood, of “Collier’s,” who is the censor of all advertisements. I quit the subject with solemn warning that, if officers of the government are to be allowed a monopoly of deceptive advertising, something must soon be done to restore a wavering confidence in our popular institutions. Let us have a return to the good old times when only books of merit, such as “Leaves of Crass” and “The Kreutzer Sonata,” were attacked, and forever be forgotten these degenerate days when, if we look up a work our censors have turned down, we get nothing better than “Memoirs of My Dead Life” and Three Weeks.

-----

The old year went out with a bank panic, and the new one came in with a big railroad failure. It happened because somebody talked too much with his mouth. And yet the dangerous [62] talkers were supposed to be under the lid. Most is dead. John Turner is turned back. MacQueen is silenced, and Emma Goldman has not said anything indictable for six months. Have we been suppressing the wrong noise? Leaving out the time a Paterson mob grew unruly when MacQueen advised it to avoid violence, all the incendiary speeches of these parties seem to have been wasted. Contrast that total with the busted banks and the wrecked railroad and the business tie-up laid to the other fellows with the open-face disease, and, unless you sidestep very nimbly, you will collide with the inference that the loud-mouthed agitator, who makes a mob stand up and howl, is safer than the salaried political demagogue swaying a whole nation. We have pretty good facilities for controlling the law-breaking element, but how to keep the law-making criminals in check is a problem we shall have to leave as a heritage of tribulation to posterity.

-----

The church holds in high regard the doctrine that the inhabitants of the globe will never be wise enough to order their own spiritual medicine, but must forever have a priest on hand at both ends of life, when they are born and when they die, as also in the middle when they get married. The spectacle of thousands doing fairly well without [63] ghostly advice anywhere along the route is lost upon the Christian world, which thinks, without fear of contradicting itself, that the devil takes care of his own. To that expectation of the church that the individual will never be self-saving we may probably trace the apprehension of the State that he can never be self-governing. Civilization sends missionaries and murderers to depressed peoples, and, when the natives resent insult, robbery, and extermination, civilization pronounces them incompetent to govern themselves. Secretary Taft says the Filipinos will not be ready for self-government for a hundred years. Nothing said about the centuries in the past when they managed to give themselves all the government they thought necessary. Mr. Taft’s verdict is found on evidence that the Filipinos are not in the proper frame of mind for submission to a government they do not want. One who would see a self-governing people should gaze upon us. We govern ourselves to the extent of not kicking off our premises the fellows who govern us in fact. The Filipino might use a club on them, and is therefore not ready for independence. A self-governing people, in the view of the governing class, is one which has so far lost the sense of freedom that it will stand without hitching.

George E. Macdonald.


* I do not mean that he invented the word. It is freely used in the same sense in the "Psalms of Solomon.” a Pharisee book of pre-Christian date. May we suppose that he took a favorite word of the Pharisees’ own and threw it back at them?

** Please understand that I am not speaking ironically of Mr. Wanamaker. So far as I understand the great retailer, he is something like what I have said. I have no faith in that school of human-nature-study which undertakes to explain every character so that ii shall contain no contradictions.

Josiah Warren, The Motives for Communism—II

Josiah Warren, "The Motives for Communism—How It Worked and What It Led To—Article II," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, IV, 15 (February 24, 1872), ?.

THE MOTIVES FOR COMMUNISM—HOW IT WORKED AND WHAT IT LED TO.

ARTICLE II.

Some facts are more strange than fiction, more philosophical than philosophy, more romantic than romance and more conservative than conservatism.

In my previous article I spoke of some of the motives for communism; and, certainly, no higher or more holy motive can possibly actuate human beings. We now come to the way it worked.

We had assembled with a view of organizing a community, as I said, in the vicinity of Cincinnati. We were in the best of humor with each other, and expectations ran high. After a little preliminary conversation, the idea of organizing a meeting came up; but who should call us to "order?" No one felt "authorized" to do it, and each one seemed to feel a modest objection to assume authority. At last, one seemed to think that, if anything was done, somebody must do it, and he modestly laid aside his modesty and "called the meeting to order," and proposed the appointment of a chairman. Of course, no one objected, and chairman was appointed, not without some embarrassment in selecting one for "the honor of presiding" where all were admitted to be equally entitled to it.

The first subject proposed for consideration was a name for the contemplated community. One proposed "the practical Christians." Another objected that there were some very good Jews with us, and he hoped there would be many; not only so, but this movement was, we hoped, to become world-wide, including all beliefs and all non-beliefs in natural co-operation and harmonious feeling; and it would seem contrary to this all-embracing brotherly spirit to adopt a name that would imply anything like sectism or tend to divide us into insiders and outsiders. He said, it pained him to be obliged to say any thing adverse to what the brother had proposed, for we look for perfect "unity" in this movement. The other replied that we need not look for unity till all were willing "to stand up for Jesus." This is the first dash of cold water upon our kindling enthusiasm, and it was felt keenly by several who endeavored to allay the disturbed feeing by various remarks, all differing to some extent with each other; and the evening was spent without coming to any conclusion as to the name. If we came near to any one conclusion from the proceedings, I think it was not that "unity" that we had expected to see among us.

The next meeting was spent in a similar manner, but with the brotherly feeling somewhat diminished though no one could hardly acknowledge the fact to himself. At the next meeting we fortunately hit upon the experience of naming the community by the place of its locality, whatever that might eventually be. That being settled, the next thing was a constitution. A committee was appointed to draft one, at the meeting following, it was brought forward for acceptance. There were perhaps about thirty articles in it, and we found it impossible to agree on three of them that evening. In fact, we got into confusion. The chairman felt embarrassed, and the rest of us, (some at least) began to feel that this was not the "Unity" we had expected. Just in proportion as we desired to perserve this "unity" we hesitated to express conflicting opinions; some were consequently silent and their opinions were unknown even in regard to a measure with was to involve the whole life's destiny.*

At this meeting I said "Friends, we have certainly committed some mistake somewhere: I do not know where it is: but if we were right, there would not be so much friction in our machinery. I will go down to New Harmony and join Mr. Owen's Community. He knows how to do it. I will go to school to him; and when I have got the lessons I will report to you."

[These friends went on and organized, and moved out about thirty miles from Cincinnati—failed within a year and returned to Cincinnati discouraged.]

J. Warren,

Princeton, Mass.



* Freedom of speech here might have gone against "unity," but it might have saved the company from an expensive defeat and discouragement.

Josiah Warren, The Motives for Communism—I

Josiah Warren, "The Motives for Communism—How It Worked and What It Led To," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, IV, 14 (February 17, 1872), 5.

COMMUNISM

Mesdames Editors: How often have I said to myself, "Oh, for a paper of world-wide circulation, through which we could pour into the public lap the most important results of our lives' experience! That others who come after us may avoid the thorny paths that have lacerated our feet—may profit by our errors and successes. I hope and believe that your is, or will be, such a paper: and in it I propose to furnish a series of articles, showing the practical workings of Communism and other reform experiments running through the forty-six years devoted to peaceful social revolution; and it will be seen that some facts are more strange than fiction, more philosophical than philosophy, more romantic than romance and more conservative than conservatism.

THE MOTIVES FOR COMMUNISM—HOW IT WORKED AND WHAT IT LED TO.

When Robert Owen came to this country in 1825 I listened to some of his sublime discourses and read some of his publications, from which it appeared that, unless some peaceful revolution could be devised, the working classes, driven to starvation by machinery and destructive competition between themselves, would be compelled to choose between death by destitution and an effort to save themselves by violent revolution.

He showed us that in Communism, instead of working against each other as in competition, we should all work for each other while working for ourselves. A problem that had been profoundly considered by the wisest of our race, but which had always baffled the highest stretch of genius. It appeared that mutual help would beget mutual sympathy, or social harmony. That labor would be reduced to two or three hours a day, leaving abundance of leisure for new enterprises and general improvement. That the jealousies and antagonisms between the poor and the rich would be at an end, and a fellow feeling would grow up from equality of condition. No more horrible crimes, or punishments still more horrible. No more children crying for bread. No more suicides for fear of starvation. No more drunkenness from despair. No more prostitution to escape starvation. No more wars about the profits in trade nor for the privileges of governing, for the government was to consist of all above a certain age. The business of nations would not be the destruction of each other, but a mutual interchange of services beneficial to each.

Sick at heart with the habitual contemplation of the frauds and cruelties of men toward each other, and the miseries in different forms that had surrounded me from childhood, all growing out of the crudity of our civilization, and seeing no hope of change, I had, at the age of 23, become willing to shut my eyes forever; but here was a new sun arisen! and my young and ardent spirit grasped at it as at the breath of life. Mr. Owen had become a new god to me, and I said to myself, now I have an object worth living for!

I was not alone in these views and feelings; several excellent people of rare intelligence and thoughtful habits joined in a project to start a community in the neighborhood of Cincinnati.

The next article will show how it worked.

I would gladly avoid the imputation of egotism, but for the sake of giving definite responsibility, and as simple truth works better than anything short of it, and to put myself in communication with readers, I give my name and place of residence.

Josiah Warren,

Princeton, Mass.

Thursday, June 14, 2007

John Pickering, Working Man's Political Economy, Ch. 19

John Pickering, The working man's political economy: founded upon the principle of immutable justice and the inalienable rights of man; designed for the promotor of national reform. Cincinnati : Stereotyped in Warren's new patent method by Thomas Varney, 1847.

CHAPTER XIX.

“EQUITABLE COMMERCE.”

A work bearing the above title, published by Josiah Warren, New Harmony, Indiana, has lately appeared before the public. The work professes to be, “A new development of principles for the harmonious adjustment and regulation of the pecuniary, intellectual and moral intercourse of mankind, proposed as elements of new society.” The author of this work, and myself, appear to have the same object in view, namely, to show the means by which the producers of wealth may secure to themselves the free use of the elements, and the products of their own labor, or their equivalents. I feel it, therefore, a duty I owe to my fellow men, to take some notice of his work.

If Mr. Warren has solved the whole problem of man’s moral, social, and political relations, then my remarks will be supererogatory. But if he has not, and I should be so fortunate as to throw some light upon the subject, I shall consider myself as amply rewarded by the reflection, that my humble efforts have not been exercised in vain. I disclaim all desire or intention of injuring Mr. Warren, my only object being a development of truth; and of this, surely, the gentleman will not complain, especially when he considers that we are both engaged in the same righteous cause. He must, therefore, consider me not as an enemy, but as a friendly co-worker. Let all persons read both sides; then judge for themselves, as I am perfectly willing these observations may go for what they are worth: truth, being stronger than error, will, therefore, prevail.

I cheerfully indorse all that Mr. Warren has said in regard to governments having utterly failed to accomplish the end they have pretended to have had in view, namely, the security of person and property—the history of governments in general being but the history of the legal methods of committing the most glaring outrages and violations of right and justice. Money, also, in consequence [166] of being accumulated in the hands of the few, has been converted into a terrible engine of tyranny and oppression. This, no one will deny. In order to cast off the shackles imposed upon us by the means of government and money, Mr. Warren proposes to reject and disregard both, which is as impossible to do, as it is to refuse to breathe the atmosphere which surrounds us. Nothing would please dishonest law-makers and public rulers better, than for the honest producers to become disgusted with the use of the ballot-box, and permit their lordships to do all the voting. This is the very thing they want; and, to prove this, let the reader turn to Judge Hall’s address, page 51 of this work.[1] But for the producers to do this, would be as injudicious as would a shepherd who should draw off his sturdy watch dogs from guarding his flock of sheep, when he knew, at the same time, that a gang of hungry wolves were watching for a favorable moment to fall upon and destroy them. No, no, producers of wealth; in the ballot- box lies your only hope. No attempt to step aside from the influence of government, would be as inconsistent as an individual who, having in his house a set of lawless rowdies, tearing and breaking his property to pieces, should say to them,—Gentlemen, I insist on individual sovereignty, and therefore have the sole right to control my own person and property, and will not submit to your injustice;—then creep under the bed, leaving the rowdies a clear board.

Shall we reject the use of money, because governments and a crafty few have used it for evil purposes? This is a strange conclusion to come to, surely. With the same propriety we might reject almost everything that is calculated to promote the happiness of man. For what infamous purposes have governments and the crafty few made use of iron, in the form of warlike implements; by the use of which, men have been set to butcher each other by thousands upon thousands, and the earth made to flow in rivers of blood? yet this is no reason why we should reject the use of it.

Gold and silver, like all other substances, are capable of being used for good or for evil; and, so soon as the mass of the people understand the real nature of them, they will be used for good, and the happiness and well-being of mankind will be promoted by the use of them; but so long [167] as the mass are ignorant of the subject, gold and silver will be made use of by the crafty few, as an engine of extortion, tyranny and oppression. Mr. Warren says, page 37:

“As we cannot carry flour, shoes, carpentering, brick-work, store-keeping, &c., about with us, to exchange for what we want, we require something which represents these, which representative we can always carry with us. This representative of property should be our circulating medium. Theorists have said that money was this representative, but it is not.”

Demagogues have told us that it is; but not those who understand the subject. Further, he says:

“A dollar represents nothing whatever but itself, nor can it be made to. At no time is it any demand on any one for any quantity of any kind of property or labor whatever.”

Suppose that, instead of using the word dollar, we say one ounce of silver, we shall understand the subject better; then, if one ounce of silver is at no time a demand on any one for property or labor, neither is a bushel of wheat. But if a bushel of wheat is a demand for as much labor as it costs to produce it, then is an ounce of silver a demand for as much labor as it costs to produce it, both, on an average, being of about the same commercial value. An ounce of silver is the embodiment of the quantity of labor necessary to produce it, like the wheat in that respect; but the silver, being much less weighty, much less bulky, and will last much longer, is, therefore, much more convenient to carry with us, instead of “flour, shoes, carpentering, brick-work, store-keeping, &c.,’ to exchange for other products of labor. An ounce of silver is positive payment; it is not necessary to inquire who is the issuer of it, where does he live, what is his character, state of his health, &c., which would be the case when we receive a “labor note.” Neither is it necessary to stamp upon it—"Not transferable.” Again Mr. Warren says:

“At one time a dollar [or an ounce of silver] will procure two bushels of potatoes; at another time, three bushels; at another time, four. It has no definite value at any time.”

The same can be said of a bushel of wheat; it will [168] generally purchase from three to four bushels of potatoes, without the intervention of money; yet I have seen the time when a bushel of wheat, or three of Indian corn, would not purchase one bushel of potatoes; yet the farmer who raised and sold the potatoes at this high price, was not so well paid for his labor as when he got but one-fourth of the price, or, in other words, one-fourth the quantity of other products of labor. Therefore, (according to Mr. Warren’s philosophy.) a bushel of wheat “represents nothing whatever but itself; nor can it be made to. At no time is it any demand on any one for any quantity of any kind of property or labor whatever.” But the true philosophy in regard to this matter is this: A bushel of wheat is the embodiment of the quantity of labor necessary to produce it, and it is precisely the same thing in respect to an ounce of silver, or a dollar. Either of them, therefore, is positive payment for something that has cost the same amount of labor; not a promise, obligation, nor representative; but bona fide property, each in its peculiar form, and are justly equivalent in exchange for the same amount of property in another form. The idea that money is only a representative of property, is, therefore, a delusion, and works more mischief and confusion in the affairs of mankind, perhaps, than any other error. The fluctuations in the commercial value of the various products of labor, arise from various causes, and which mostly exist .in the nature of things, and although may be considerably counteracted by intelligence, prudence and foresight, cannot, perhaps, by human wisdom, be entirely removed.

Those products of labor which are most liable to rot, or destruction, are, in direct proportion, subject to fluctuation, in all cases where the demand has been either over or under supplied; and this consequence cannot be prevented, whether we estimate those products immediately by the quantity of labor embodied in them, or remotely by money, which retains, without loss, to a much greater length of time, the original quantity of labor bestowed upon its production, than any other thing.

Gold and silver having the natural property of retaining the quantity of labor originally invested in them much longer than property in any other form, is one of the principal reasons why they are a more appropriate circulating medium than any other thing, notwithstanding what Mr. [169] Warren says to the contrary. Neither does money “represent robbery, banking, gambling, swindling, counterfeiting, &c.," as he says, than does “a labor note,” which is a thing that bears the suspicion of fraud upon the very face of it, and is, in itself, a perfect absurdity. A circulating medium not transferable!! This is just like the wagon a man made “for to go,” and it would have went “for to go,” if the maker of it had not nailed all the wheels fast to the axle trees. Mr. Warren seems not to be aware that all the products of labor derive their exchangable value from the quantity of labor required to produce them—gold and silver included—and that the natural tendency of exchangable value (or price) is to gravitate toward the cost of production; and men never would have conducted their exchanges on any other principle than equal amounts of cost. If governments had not made private property in the elements legal, nor had interfered with the personal operations of individuals, the mere instincts of Nature would have prevented it. All this I have fully demonstrated, as I am confident, in the seventh chapter of this work, to which I refer Mr. Warren, hoping he will read it carefully and critically; and if the principles there laid down are not agreeable to truth, it is a duty he owes to the public, and a compliment due to myself, for him to expose and make manifest the errors and fallacies thereof.

At page 76 of his work, he gives “a picture” of a “Labor Note,” the first line of which reads thus: “Not transferable”; next, the following mottoes: “Cost, the limit of Price,” “Labor for Labor.” Now, this is only saying the same thing twice over; but is, nevertheless, the announcement of a great and important truth; and, as I have said before, if governments had not usurped the ownership of the elements, thereby checking the natural operation of free competition, mankind never could have conducted their exchanges on any other principle,—it is the natural, therefore the just, no matter whether they had used money or not. History informs us, that the original intent of stamping money was merely to indicate the quantity (by weight) and the fineness of the metal composing the pieces, the object being merely to save the time and labor necessary to weigh and assay it every time it changed hands.

Next on the note, these words appear, namely: [170]

“Due the bearer, —, one hour’s labor in house rent, or twenty pounds of corn.”

In regard to this note, Mr. Warren remarks—

“This addition to the note enables us not only to compare one labor with another, but it gives the signer of it an alternative, in case it is not convenient for him to give his labor on demand. There can be as many of these alternatives (all being equal in value,) as the responsible person chooses to attach to his note.”

Now, the whole announcement amounts to nothing more than this,—that if one man owes another a debt, and it is not convenient to pay in his own services, he can pay in something else of equal value; that is, if the creditor is willing to receive it. All these things were well known long before the invention of “labor notes”; but is it not strange that the gentleman would exclude from the “alternatives” gold and silver? Surely it is; especially when we consider that gold or silver is the almost everlasting embodiment of the labor necessary to produce it, and is positive payment, while a “Labor Note” is payment for nothing; it is but a promise to pay, at some future time, if the drawer happened to live long enough, never got sick, and was perfectly honest. Truly, the ingenuity and refinement of this credit system beats the banking system all hollow; a bank note at least being transferable, though, like the “labor note,” it is payment for nothing; and the making of it a substitute for gold and silver, as a circulating medium, is one of the most outrageous violations of right and justice that has ever been imposed upon poor credulous man. Mr. Warren says, “we want a circulating medium that is a definite representative of a definite quantity of property.” Further, he tells us that the drawer of a “labor note” may insert in it any alternative he chooses (provided they are equivalents.) Now, suppose he should insert in it, “at one time, a man; at another, a monkey; then a gourd”; then say of it, “a picture that would represent” such things, “would be just as legitimate and fit for a portrait, as a “labor note” is fit for a circulating medium.” This is what Mr. Warren says of “common money”; but the logic of the argument is much more applicable to a labor promissory note, than that [171] money which contains within itself, everlastingly embodied, the quantity of labor originally invested in it, and is bona fide payment. A circulating medium having the last mentioned property, is much preferable to any representative whatever. Mr. Warren proposes that labor notes be put in competition with money, and thinks that they will finally supersede the use of it.

This will take place when people discover that the promise of a thing which is dependent upon various contingencies, is preferable to the positive possession of it, and I am confident the skulls of the people are too thick to be susceptible of imbibing such a transcendental idea—it is so far above the comprehension of common minds. So the possessors of “filthy lucre” need not be alarmed at the sight of a “labor note,” the mass being too stupid to take advantage of its own wonderful power and influence.

Mr. Warren says, page 73, that when the system of Equitable Commerce, which he advocates, is put into operation, such a power will be started into existence, which will be perfectly irresistible, and that all the deep-laid plans, the wordy warfare, and the bitterest hostility of the strongest opposers of reformation, “must become as chaff before the wind,” &c. Again, same page,—

“No one can sell house lots for five thousand dollars, while any one will sell them of equal value for five dollars.”

“No one can sell coffee for sixteen cents a pound, where any one will sell it equally good for ten cents.”

“No one can get five dollars per hour for visiting the sick, when another, whose services are equally valuable, can be obtained for an equivalent.”

“No lawyer can get a hundred dollars per hour, when another will do the business as well for an equal amount of labor.”

Here are four declarations, the truth of which no rational person would attempt to dispute,—they are all in accordance with the laws which govern our, nature. But there is another side to this subject; and here follows four other declarations, which are equally true, and are equally in accordance with the laws which govern human nature.

First. No one will sell house-lots for five dollars apiece, when he can just as easily get five thousand for the same. [172]

Second. No one will sell coffee for ten cents a pound, when he can just as easily get sixteen for the same.

Third. No one will take one equivalent for an hour’s service, when he can just as easily get from a hundred to a thousand for the same amount of service.

Fourth. No lawyer will take an equal amount of labor in exchange for his own services, when he could just as easily obtain five hundred times that amount! He would be an idiot if he did, and so would all the rest.

Now, is it possible that a sane individual would seriously make such a strange proposition to mankind? The proposition lies before me, in the book. But stranger still are the inducements held out to draw people into the adoption of these arrangements.

We are gravely told that “any number, of any profession, (which is likely to be wanted,) can be qualified in from two to three years.” And what is the reward offered for this two or three years’ expensive devotion to intense study, loss of time, &e.? He shall have the privilege of receiving one five-hundredth part of the reward he could get outside this enchanted circle. Will men thus make martyrs of themselves? Experience says no, most emphatically.

Where, then, is that great army of martyrs to come from, that can accomplish the result contemplated by Mr. Warren? The rich can never have a motive to embrace these arrangements; the poor may; but where is the necessary capital to come from? “Labor notes” are not capital. Capital is labor already performed, and condensed into some permanent form. But a labor note is but a promise to perform some labor at some future time, dependent on various contingencies, and, therefore, can neither do the offices, nor enter into competition with capital, no more than can common promissory notes payable in money.

Let the reader now turn back and examine those four pair of declarations, which are all true; look at the cans and the wills in deadly array against each other; examine them carefully and critically, and tell us, if he can, by what means those discordant elements can be amalgamated and formed into a system that will carry on the commercial concerns of mankind successfully and harmoniously, and, at the same time, shield and protect the down-trodden producer from the overwhelming and oppressive influence of money and governments even supposing it to be only [173] among a select few, determined to step aside from general society, and agree to put in practice the labor for labor principle.

We shall, perhaps, be told that such a result can be accomplished by the intervention of “labor notes.” Let us suppose a select few gather themselves within a certain circle, but surrounded outside by the worshippers of “filthy lucre.” Let them issue their labor notes; what will be the consequence, premising, however, that no one is pledged or obligated to act, in any particular manner, different from what their interests would prompt them, all being “independent sovereigns”? Now, will not these sovereigns act like other men? Surely they will. Now, suppose one of them has a wife or child taken sick, and must have a nurse, and one is not to be had within the pale, he will, therefore, be obliged to get one from among the Philistines. All within the pale having a sovereign contempt for the use of money, it is not likely any money could be had to pay the nurse with, when through with her job. Now, how does he pay her? with a labor note, promising to give as many hours of his own labor as she served him? Surely it could not be less; having laid it down as a rule, that anything less would be injustice, he would not do that, surely. Would it not be very natural, that if this “independent sovereign” should happen to have labor notes drawn by others, would lie not, rather than give his own, give them? This would certainly be all very natural; there could be nothing criminal in it. If we pay in money, it makes no difference from whom we receive it—a dollar being but a dollar; an hour’s labor being but an hour’s labor. The nurse would, no doubt, be glad to take it, especially if she knew the value of it; because, among the Philistines, she could get an advance of two or three hundred per cent. above what it cost her; consequently, some day the independent sovereign who drew the note, would be called upon by a man of the outer world, and be compelled to devote his physical energies to the purpose of promoting some cannibal scheme of speculation. So in drawing his “labor note,” he had only set a gull-trap to catch himself!

Now, suppose a great many such transactions take place—none looking to the final result—what will be the consequence? In the course of time, they will discover that [175] they have only been betraying one another into the hands of Satan, the common enemy; caught in their own toils; brought back to that very state of bondage from which they had fled, having fondly anticipated that the circulation of “labor notes” would not only enable them to abundantly supply their wants, but likewise shield them from all harm. Whoever, therefore attempts the practice, is fated to be disappointed. It must be evident, that labor notes circulated beyond the limits of the co-operators, can work nothing but injury to those within; and within the pale they are perfectly useless, because all the internal intercourse can be carried on just as well without as with them, by keeping accounts against each other; and when the parties settle, those who may be in debt pay up the balance, either in money, or labor, as the parties could agree. For the truth of this statement, I appeal to Mr. Warren himself.

Here I must put a query to him, and he may either answer or not, just as he thinks fit. I have no desire to interfere with his “individual sovereignty.” In the year 1833, a small experimental community of some half dozen families, (Mr. Warren and myself included,) was established, for the purpose of carrying out the labor for labor principle, and from the start the use of “labor notes” was proscribed by the associates; and during the whole time I staid there, which was about three years, I believe, I never saw a labor note pass between any of the parties. We had ceased the practice of “equitable commerce” long before I left. Now the query is this,—Why were the “labor notes” suppressed? To speak figuratively—was it to prevent the saints from having the power of delivering their associates into the hands of the cruel Philistines? or was it not?

I am not anxious to have this query solved on my own account, but for the benefit of those who read his book. I have been asked the question by some of them; they want to know; and no man is better qualified to solve this little mystery, than Mr. Warren himself.

Another thing the readers of Mr. Warren’s book want to know, is, why, in that “picture” of a “labor note,” that is capable of representing, with the greatest truthfulness, almost everything under the sun, he has placed in the most conspicuous part of it, the words “not transferable”? Is it [176] to prevent the evil just now spoken of? or is it not? If it is, then why not put on the appropriate words, Not to circulate; then nobody would be deceived or deluded by it. But if it is not, why fasten a dead weight to it, sufficient to sink it in public estimation, so as to render it perfectly useless? Furthermore, is it right to attempt to palm upon our credulous, good feeling, and honest-intentioned fellow men, a circulating medium bearing upon the face of it a declaration forbidding people to use it for that purpose? It is plain to be seen, that if people did so use it, it would be at their own risk; for the drawer of it, by this dexterous manoeuvre, would absolve himself from all legal responsibility. “Prove all things; hold fast that which is good,” is an excellent maxim, and a good rule of action. Reformers generally, on discovering that most of the evils which mankind suffer, are attributable to the power and influence of money and government, have been desirous of casting off, at once, the slavish chains that fettered and bound them. It is no wonder, then, that they have eagerly grasped at anything that had the appearance of ennabling them to pass at once from a state of injustice, oppression and misery, into one of justice, freedom and happiness. They have been sensible to the misery around them; they have beheld the promised land at distance, and have sought to reach it by the shortest possible cut, thereby overlooking the only available and practicable means by which the passage can be effected; and the very simplicity of the only practicable means is, perhaps, the principal’ reason why it has been so difficult to discover. It has been in accordance with the above view, that Mr. Warren proposes to make this short and pleasant passage by means of his “labor notes”; but this vessel will never carry us across the mighty gulf. He has been obliged, by the nature of things, to load her so heavily, that if we do but analyze the cargo, and observe well the build of the craft, all thinking persons will be convinced she would sink at the moment of leaving the shore.

Mr. Warren says, page 69: “By dispensing with governments, we shake off the greatest invaders of human rights—the very nightmare of society.” This is true; nothing could be more so. But government is not like a garment, that can be thrown off’ at pleasure, without injury to the body which it covers; but is more like the skin, [177] which, to strip from the body, would produce instant death, and to do this ourselves, would be nothing less than suicide. Therefore, to throw off the shackles of government at a blow, is impossible; it can only be done by degrees, by the prudent use and management of the very instruments by which we are tortured, and which enthusiastic, though well-meaning reformers, contemptuously reject and despise altogether, namely: money and governments. By these means, our progress will be certain and sure; when a step is once gained in this way, from it we cannot retrograde, but must move forward to the next in order. This course being in conformity to the immutable laws of Nature, is the only course we can pursue with any reasonable prospect of success. And whoever attempts to reform society by any other method, is fated to suffer chagrin, mortification and disappointment.

The individual operations and interests of mankind are so intimately and inseparably connected and interwoven, and our dependence so mutual, that continual close personal contact is absolutely unavoidable; it therefore behooveth us to make this contact as pleasant and as agreeable as possible, by scrupulously respecting the rights and feelings of each other, and exercising charity to the utmost. Let us endeavor to smoothe the thorny path of life, make the best use we can of the world while we are in it, and, for our final deliverance from the bondage of tyranny and oppression, let us cheerfully, patiently wait.

How is it possible for us to strike off at once those galling chains that so intimately connect us with money and governments? When it must be evident to all, that those who have heretofore controlled those irresistible engines, have fastened their grappling irons upon our property, and their tenter hooks into the flesh of our bodies, into the marrow of our bones—aye, even unto our very heart strings, and to sever these at a blow—could but cause certain, instantaneous death. Therefore, the only course left for us to pursue, is to cut off one at a time, by means of the ballot-box; give the patient (the body politic) time to recover from the operation; then strike off another; and so continue on, until the individual man stands forth unshackled and free; then he can afford to be just, be virtuous and good; therefore, happy. Cheerfully, patiently wait. We may [178] then begin to think about the individual sovereign of man; not till then.

One of the greatest natural curiosities of the world is, that the truth in regard to our moral, social and political relations, has been so near to us, that our mental vision has been completely blinded and confounded by its very nearness like the Irishman who declared he could not see the town for the houses. Let us, therefore, one and all, open our eyes, our ears, and our understandings,

Mr. Warren, in conclusion, says, page 74:

“It is hoped that some who are capable of correct reasoning, will undertake to investigate, and (if they can find a motive,) to oppose Equitable Commerce and thereby discover and expose the utter imbecility , the surprising weakness of any opposition that can be brought against it.

In compliance therefore, with said invitation, the foregoing observations are offered as a specimen of the exposure of "the utter imbecility, the surprising weakness of the opposition that can be brought against” the contents of his book; not against “Equitable Commerce,’ but against the introduction of “labor notes” as a circulating medium. And the motive that prompted them, was a desire to prevent the spread of error and delusion, and promote the cause of truth. And of this, Mr. Warren would be the last man in the world to complain. “They are presented for calm study and honest inquiry; and, having placed them fairly before” him and “the public, I shall leave them to be estimated by each individual according to the particular measure of his understanding, and shall offer no violence to his individuality, by any attempt to restrain or to urge him beyond it.” As to controversy, I am ready for that in any shape or form.

JOHN PICKERING

Cincinnati, Ohio, “ U. S. A.,” August 4th, 1847.

Addenda—As some objections have been made to some parts of this chapter, a little explanation is necessary. At page 172, after the query, "Will men thus make martyrs of themselves?" add, in the aggregate; the reader will then have a correct understanding of the author’s meaning. We all well know that individuals, sometimes under the influence of a new imbibed idea, become infatuated, and, under that influence, are very apt to do things which their “sober second thoughts” would by no means approve of. Under such circumstances, then, it cannot be truly said that they act in accordance with the laws of human nature, but are mere aberrations thereof. Add the same to each of the four preceding declarations.



[1] Working Man’s Political Economy.

Monday, June 11, 2007

Clarence Lee Swartz, The First American Anarchist

C. L. S., "The First American Anarchist," Liberty, 15, 2 (April, 1906), 50-57.

THE FIRST AMERICAN ANARCHIST

William Bailie’s “Josiah Warren” is the first and an admirable attempt to meet what has been, in the real sense of the term, a “long-felt want.” With the exception of Warren’s own writings, all too few and for some time practically out of print, and Stephen Pearl Andrews’s exposition of Warren’s ideas in the “Science of Society,” there has been no direct elucidation of the principles which Warren discovered and enunciated other than the active propaganda carried on by Liberty and its auxiliary publications. The time was therefore extremely ripe for just such a work as Mr. Bailie has undertaken to produce, and in which production he has in a large measure succeeded. Wherein he has failed to take advantage of his rare opportunities I shall later point out.

We are taken, in the first chapter, to Warren’s early life, which in many ways was the most remarkable part of this most remarkable man’s life. It has not often occurred, in the history of the world, that an ardent social reformer has been at the same time an inventive genius of the highest order; yet it is no exaggeration to say that Josiah Warren was such an one. Whenever he discovered a human need, he apparently set to work to supply it, and his inventions covered in their scope a list that ranges from illumination to a new system of musical notation. There was seemingly no problem in industrial as well as social activities and necessities whose solution he did not attempt and, in some way, accomplish. The world will never know to what extent he benefited it, for he frequently made no effort to protect his inventions by patent and from one of the greatest of them—that of the cylinder press printing paper from a roll—he got absolutely nothing, some large manufacturers many years later amassing great wealth from the adoption of his idea. Mr. Bailie has now put the world in a position to find out something about this rare character, who devoted a wonderfully fruitful life to its service.

It is quite evident that the writing of this book has been, for Mr. Bailie, a work of love. His style is lucid and entertaining, and he makes of Warren’s interesting life a story still more interesting in the charming way in which he tells it,—a way that is impressive in the fulness of his sympathy for his subject. He tells us how Warren joined forces with Owen at New Harmony, and then discovered the failure of majority rule to solve such social problems as were involved in that attempt at colonizing reformers. He soon realized that there was no personal liberty or individual responsibility in the colony, and therefore left it. Our biographer next tells us of Warren’s famous “time stores” and of their success. Warren was the originator of the idea of manual training schools, and his views of education were in other respects a half a century in advance of the times. An especially interesting feature of the book is a facsimile of the labor note issued by Warren and used by him in connection with his time store. An extended description of the village of Modern Times and of Warren’s life there is given; a chapter is devoted to Warren’s inventions in printing, one to the dosing years of the pioneer Anarchist, and then one is devoted to Warren’s philosophy. The book closes with an appendix, which consists of a letter written by Warren (said to be his last published writing) to a friend, which friend was E. H. Heywood. Mr. Bailie does not give Mr. Heywood’s name, although it has long been a matter of public knowledge that he was the person to whom it was written.

On page 23 a fact is disclosed which recent events have made doubly interesting. While Warren was living in Cincinnati, he obtained from Nicholas Longworth a ninety-nine-year lease on a large tract of laud that now comprises the central portion of the business part of that city. Later Warren reprehended so fully the holding of land for speculative purposes that he voluntarily relinquished his holdings, which thus reverted to Mr. Longworth without any compensation being demanded from the latter by Warren. Thus Alice Roosevelt’s husband, a descendant of the Nicholas Longworth mentioned, was made a rich man through the scrupulous honesty and magnanimity of the pioneer of those Anarchists whom her father so roundly abused in his message to congress I

Another indication of Mr. Bailie's great sympathy for his subject is his neglect to point out that, not only in his later life, but almost from the beginning of modern Spiritualism, Warren was a believer in it. This may be a venial sin, but it is clear that a biographer’s fidelity to his subject should prevent him from exercising too great consideration for the results of a candid exposition of his subject's character and beliefs.

It is noteworthy, too, that Mr. Bailie has neglected to make any mention of Lysander Spooner’s name in connection with Warren, although his motive in this case is not so clear. Spooner’s political propagandism always closely paralleled Warren’s, and, during the last months of Warren’s life, at any rate, he, Linton, and Spooner were a notable trio frequently together.

A most astonishing fault in this volume, however, is Mr. Bailie’s failure to mention the fact that Sidney H. Morse, the sculptor, was, during the last two years of Warren’s life, his most active propagandist. Furthermore, Morse’s efforts were so great that they did not fail of appreciation by Warren, and the latter showed his full recognition of their value by making Morse his literary executor. Mr. Bailie’s biography would certainly have been the place to record these facts, as well as the further incident that Warren, at the time of designating Morse as his literary executor, stipulated that, at the latter’s death, the literary effects should be passed on to Benj. R. Tucker.

I have already mentioned Mr. Bailie’s apparent sympathy for his subject; and certainly the greater part of this volume, as well as Mr. Bailie’s contributions to Liberty, would proclaim him a sincere partisan of Warren. This makes all the more imcomprehensible the fact that, on page 82, he apparently gives away Warren’s whole case. To quote:

How far they [Warren’s principles] will inspire the individual to undertake and carry out functions with which society in its collective capacity alone can adequately deal, remains a speculative question. It may well be doubted, for example, whether Warren’s teaching would inspire an individual or group to plan and carry out so far-reaching a public enterprise as the Metropolitan Park System of Massachusetts. Here we have a commission with adequate powers and resources devising and executing comprehensive schemes, requiring for their completion many years. Ta this instance, the community reaps beneficial results of a lasting character, despite the drawbacks now incident to public undertakings supported by compulsory taxation.

In this we seem to have Mr. Bailie as a special pleader for State Socialism, and scarcely to be recognized as the same writer who, two pages previously, penned the following lines:

Even Socialists, in proclaiming the doctrine of the Social Organism, insist on subordinating the individual to the aggregation we term society, unmindful that society exists and is maintained for the good of the individuals composing it, rather than that the Individuals exist for the benefit of society. For, unless society subserve the welfare of its members individually, what valid reason remains for its continued existence?

In still greater contrast to the first quotation are the following extracts from pages 103, 104, and 105. Here we have the real Anarchist speaking:

Its [the State’s] function can be carried out with greater efficiency and certainty by a system of free association, a kind of protective Insurance. Voluntary organization has accomplished even more delicate and difficult tasks in the social economy.

But, if the arbitrary authority of government can be dispensed with, the numerous and ever-growing functions it baa assumed, ostensibly for the good of the community, can equally well be taken away and the like kind of service be performed by voluntary agency.

There is no service undertaken by government that could not be more efficiently and wore economically performed by associated or individual effort springing up naturally to meet the needs of society.

It will be generally considered, I think, by those who read his book and who are acquainted with Mr. Bailie’s other writings, that his lapse into advocacy of collectivism was but momentary and inadvertent, and that, after all, his implied criticism of Warren’s attitude toward government was not intentional. Let us at least give him the benefit of the doubt.

In describing the life-work of a public character, such as Warren certainly was, the account of what he accomplished during his life is not complete without some enumeration of the things that have resulted from his work, thus demonstrating its viability and the soundness of the principles upon which it was based. It is true that, in his introductory chapter entitled “The Anarchist Spirit,” Mr. Bailie has given a survey of all the Anarchistic tendencies of the past, and shows that there have been other forces at work upon lines similar to those of Warren’s efforts; but in this chapter Mr. Bailie has written in a general way only, and has not called attention to what is practically the continuation of Warren’s work. In thus failing to point out the manner in which Warren’s life-work has been carried on since his death, and to describe in some detail the agencies so engaged, a serious injustice to Warren has been done. There is material enough in the literary enterprises that have been engendered by Warren’s ideas for at least a brief additional chapter in Mr. Bailie’s book, and many Anarchists are going to miss it. Moreover, no greater value could be given to a biography of a reformer, especially in Ms own eyes were he living, than by adding to it what had been accomplished by the forces that were set in motion by his work. In fact, the results of his work are actually a part of it, and should be so taken into account.

The book is nicely printed and bound (coming from the press of Small, Maynard & Co., Boston), except for a few typographical errors which have crept in, none of which, however, are likely to confuse the reader, unless it be one on page 53, sixth line from the bottom, where the word should be "land."

I have pointed out these minor defects simply because they are not likely to be noticed elsewhere. They are really negligible, however, in comparison with the great service to Anarchism which the book renders by its excellence.

C. L. S.

Clarence Lee Swartz, Bailie's Book on Warren

C. L. S., "Bailie's Book on Warren," Liberty, 14, 26 (May 1905), 2.

Bailie's Book on Warren.

The announcement in the last issue of Liberty of the forthcoming publication of “Josiah Warren, the First American Anarchist,” has met with a quick and gratifying response. Already over seventy-five subscriptions have come

The warm interest evinced in Mr. Bailie’s book shows that Josiah Warren, although thirty years have elapsed since his striking personality passed away, has not been forgotten. Warren’s influence on modem thought is probably more potent to-day than it was when he was propounding his “True Civilization” near half a century ago.

While adapted to the needs of civilized people at all limes, the social ideals of the pioneer Anarchist will be better appreciated and more easily practised as we become a more highly individualized, more liberty-demanding people.

The ever-owing public that appreciates Ibsen, Sudermann, and Shaw, which listens to Tolstoy, reads Nietzsche and Spencer, will assuredly find the seeds of thought planted by these modem thinkers already germinating in the mind and. practice of Josiah Warren.

In this book we can see and follow the process of development working itself out in a fashion original with Warren. The aim and purpose of his life are brought before us forcibly and sympathetically. The book will form both an exposition and a text-book of the better kind of individualism, which is not disregard for others, but a true appreciation at all times of the rights of others. Every friend of liberty, every believer in the supreme right of the individual to himself, his product, his freedom, his property and reputation, should possess Mr. Bailie’s study of Warren, the New England Puritan, individualist Anarchist.

It may be added that the number of subscriptions so far received is not yet sufficient to warrant Mr. Bailie in proceeding with the publication of the book; hence he would ask all those who are interested in its appearance, and who have not yet added their names to the advance list of subscribers, to signify, by notifying the editor of Liberty as soon as possible, their intention of taking one or more copies, so that he may know, before putting the matter in the hands of the printer, just bow many subscriptions he can count upon, and so that he may be able, also, to measure more fully the interest manifested in the work. Responses have been received from England, Germany, and Belgium, which shows that the interest in Warren is not confined to America.

C. L. S.

Clarence Lee Swartz, Josiah Warren and His Work

C. L. S., "Josiah Warren and His Work," Liberty, 14, 25 (February 1905), 3-4.

Josiah Warren and His Work.

Josiah Warren, as Liberty’s readers know, was the original founder and teacher of Philosophical Anarchism in America. A scion of the Massachusetts puritan house of Warren, which numbers among its many distinguished members the revolutionary hero of Bunker Hill, Gen. Joseph Warren, Josiah, who was born in Boston toward the close of the eighteenth century, became one of the most noted social reformers of his time.

As the exponent of the doctrine of Individual Sovereignty and Cost the Limit of Price, he blazed the path which Liberty, for twenty-five years, has followed as its chosen field. Warren began his sociological experiments with Robert Owen at New Harmony. At the age of twenty- seven he became convinced of the futility of all communistic schemes, and with remarkable steadfastness of purpose devoted his life thereafter to the championship of complete individualism in economics and politics,—that is, Anarchism.

To this end he started papers, time stores, and colonies. He was also an inventive genius of no mean achievements. His pioneer work in mechanical devices, designed to simplify and cheapen the art of printing in order to facilitate the dissemination of his new ideas, resulted in the roller press, which he invented and made with his own hands a generation before it was universally adopted for producing the modern newspaper.

Warren was an original thinker, who made it his life work to put his theories to the practical test. His services in the cause of liberty were recognized by men so eminent as John Stuart Mill, who embodied many of Warren’s views in his own writings. The importance of Warren’s experiments, such as his Long Island village of Modem Times, cannot be too highly valued by those who to-clay are interested in social reform.

Most of his writings have long been out of print, and are inaccessible to the student. No life of Warren has ever been published nor had any competent writer attempted a till account of his varied career, his aims, and ideas, until Mr. William Bailie some years ago, realizing the need of such a work, undertook the task. The sources of information were scanty and widely scattered. None of those now living who had met Warren could tell much except what related to his closing years. As a labor of love, with painstaking care, Mr. Baffle slowly gathered the materials from his book from sources contemporary with Warren. The essential facts of Warren’s career have been set in their proper order, the development of his views has been luminously traced, and his philosophy subjected to a critical comparison with the teachings of the leading social reformers of the nineteenth century. The book, in its entirety, forms at once a history and an exposition of the principles of Philosophical Anarchism as it grew up indigenous to the American soil.

It is now proposed to publish Mr. Bailie’s book, provided sufficient interest is manifested in it, and to this end it is desired to know how many copies will be subscribed for in advance at one dollar each. The book will consist of approximately one hundred and fifty pages. It will be printed on good paper, and will be neatly and substantially bound in cloth, with first-class workmanship in every particular. The payment of subscriptions will not be requested until the book is ready for delivery. Those wishing to subscribe should communicate at once with the editor of Liberty, so that it may be known as soon as possible whether the publication of the book will be warranted.

C.L. S.

William Bailie, "Josiah Warren" (New Harmony Movement)

William Bailie, "Josiah Warren," in George B. Lockwood, The New Harmony Movement, New York: D. Appleton, 1905.

CHAPTER XXI

JOSIAH WARREN[1]

"A remarkable American, Josiah Warren."

—JOHN STUART MILL.

AMONG the most remarkable characters attracted to New Harmony in community days was Josiah Warren, equally notable as an inventive genius, a social philosopher, and a peaceful revolutionist. He was born in Boston in 1798, of historically famous Puritan stock. Of his parents and early life but little is known. At an early age he displayed musical talents, and, with his brother George, played professionally in local bands. At the age of twenty he married, and soon after set out from his native place to improve his fortunes in the West. He settled in Cincinnati, and gained an honorable repute as an orchestra leader; but he had other interests besides music. Mechanical pursuits occupied his leisure hours, the earliest fruit of which was the invention of a lamp, patented in 1823, which substituted lard for tallow as fuel, giving a better light at a lower cost. Its success was such that the inventor before long was running a lamp manufactory in Cincinnati.

More pressing problems than those of illumination were, however, shortly to arise and absorb the active mind and generous heart of the ingenious young New Englander. There came to Cincinnati in 1824 a visitor whose reputation [295] as the boldest and most successful social reformer of the age was world-wide. When Robert Owen, with a fervor of conviction and inspiring enthusiasm which have never been surpassed, unfolded his plans for the inauguration of The New Moral World, Warren was so much impressed that he decided to join the grand experiment which was about to begin at New Harmony. So, after disposing of his lamp factory, Warren, with his young family, joined Owen and his enthusiasts on the Rappite property, hoping to assist in founding the ideal community which was to usher in a millennium of peace and plenty, brotherhood and happiness, ultimately to embrace all mankind.

Here Warren found a field in which to study the problems of government, property, and industry, together with the relation of the individual to society, such as never before was given to man. During two stormy years of vicissitudes, disappointments, and failure Warren remained with the community, and bore his share of the burdens incident to so pretentious an undertaking. And when he finally departed it was not, like so many others, as an embittered reactionary, but as an earnest, hopeful student who had spent his time to good purpose. As one who had with painful solicitude witnessed the inadequacy of communism to correct the evils of property; and the failure of paternal authority, as well as of majority rule, to solve the problems of government, he had learned an invaluable lesson, and stored up pregnant experience for use in future efforts to grapple with the same vital issues. With Warren the failure of communism was simply a reason for trying another plan of attack upon the existing institutions of society. Like Owen, he never doubted that the "emancipation of man" was possible, and human happiness only a question of suitable social adjustment and the application of what he deemed to be right principles.

Chief among the causes which, in Warren's mind, led to disaster at New Harmony, were the suppression of individuality, the lack of initiative, and the absence of personal responsibility. When everything was decided by authority, or by the will of the majority, each was prone to ascribe the faults of the system to the shortcomings of his neighbors. These defects Warren believed to be inseparable from any social scheme based upon government and community of goods. Even under the most favorable conditions failure would in the long run be assured. He concluded, therefore, that the basis of all future reform must be complete individual liberty. Every one should be free to dispose of his person, his property, his time, and his reputation as he pleases—but always at his own cost; this qualification of the principle is inseparable from it, the core, as it were, of fis philosophy

The New Harmony experience had convinced Warren that any theory of reform, however perfect or plausible, should be put to the test before being offered to the world as a remedy for existing evils. To this end, therefore, he undertook his first experiment, the Time store.

On the 18th of May 1827, there was unpretentiously opened at the corner of Fifth and Vine streets in Cincinnati a small country store, conducted on a plan new to commerce. It vas the first Equity store, designed to illustrate and practicalize the cost principle, the germ of the cooperative movement of the future. When the advantages of the store became known, it proved to be the most popular mercantile institution in the city. The people called it the Time store because a clock was used by the merchant to determine the amount of compensation for his service in waiting upon the customers. The storekeeper exchanged his time for an equal amount of the time of those who purchased goods from him. The actual cost of the goods bought was paid for in cash, the labor note of the customer was given to the merchant to pay for his service. It ran something after this fashion: "Due to Josiah Warren, thirty minutes in carpenter work.—John [297] Smith." Here was the application of the principle of labor for labor, the cost principle, in its most primitive form, which was subsequently modified to allow for the different valuations of the various kinds of labor.

The idea of labor notes originated with Robert Owen, but Warren's application of it was original and proved entirely successful. Though at the beginning the Equity store met with scant encouragement, it was but a short while until it taxed all the reformer's time and energies. The merchant on the next corner soon found himself without occupation, and requested Warren to explain to him the method of conducting business on the equity plan. The founder of the movement was only too happy to assist his rival to convert his place into a "Time store," and delighted to see so quickly an instance of what competition could do in enforcing the adoption of more equitable methods of exchange.

Warren's store was a labor exchange where those who had products to sell could dispose of them, provided the goods were in demand, without having to give the lion's share as profit to the middleman. It was also a bureau for labor seeking employment, and thus served to direct the reformer's attention to the long and useless apprenticeships by which the common trades were hedged around. He wished to disprove the need for long terms of industrial servitude, and this desire led to the idea of a cooperative village. Full of enthusiasm for the principles which he was now convinced would solve the deeper economic problems of society, having tried them in regard to the distribution of wealth, he longed to see them applied to its production.

Robert Dale Owen at this period became interested in Warren's plans, but after much waiting, and a visit to New York in 1830, the Cincinnati reformer decided to prepare, unaided, for a village experiment. He set himself to learn many practical arts, including wagon-building, wood and [298] metal working, printing and type-founding. The first village of Equity was commenced in Tuscarawas County, Ohio, and after a two years' trial was abandoned, owing to the malarial and unhealthful condition of the locality. Many interesting experiments in the industrial and practical education of the young were carried out by Warren, which showed that in this field he was a true pioneer, for it is only to-day that his views are finding realization in the manual training-schools and technical institutions for practical education.

The Peaceful Revolutionist, Warren's first periodical, appeared in January, 1833, but survived only a few months. It was a four-page weekly of conspicuously neat typography, and was devoted to expositions of the principles of equity. So primitive at the time were his resources, and so marvelous his skill and ingenuity, that the plates from which the paper was printed were cast over the tire of the same stove at which the wife cooked the family meals. The printing-press he used was his own invention, and with his own hands he made type-molds, cast the type and the stereo-plates, built the press, wrote the articles, set them up, and printed off the sheets.

The years prior to 1842 were devoted mainly to mechanical pursuits and printing inventions. About 1840 Warren constructed the first press that was ever used to print newspapers from a roll. The following description of this mechanism is from an editorial which appeared February 28, 1840, in an Evansville paper:

"The first number of the Southwestern Sentinel is the first newspaper probably in the world which was ever printed on a continuous sheet. Our press or printing machinery is the invention of Mr. Josiah Warren, 0f New Harmony. He has brought a series of experiments extending through fine years to a successful close, and this machine, which he calls his speed press, is one of the results." [299]

Unfortunately the innovation was opposed by the printers, who saw in its labor-saving power a menace to their interests. They deliberately threw the press out of gear at every opportunity, and at length so exasperated the inventor that he came one day to the Sentinel office, had the press hauled away, and deliberately broke it to pieces.

Typographical inventions continued, however, to occupy Warren's attention. His purpose was to extend his stereotyping inventions to all varieties of printing, illustration, and artistic reproduction. His improvements in this field he termed "universal typography."

The Indiana Statesman, of New Harmony, under dates of October 4, 1845, and March 7, 1846, contains flattering accounts of the progress and utility of Warren's inventions. His typographical plates were durable, cheap, and had a smooth, glassy surface, so like stone that the inventor termed them "stone-types." He claimed that the facility with which illustrations could be got up, the rapidity of stereotyping and printing them, together with the durability of the plates, justified the expectation that they would ultimately supersede woodcuts, steel-plate and copper-plate engraving and printing, and lithography. The process included printing in colors, besides a result similar to what is now known as half-tones.

While it is doubtful if Warren ever received an equivalent for his ingenuity, labor, and outlay on these inventions, at which he worked during the larger part of his life, it is certain that his methods were utilized by others, and the world is accordingly the gainer by his improvements. The processes now in use for the finer class of stereotype work are based upon his discoveries. The latter years of his life were devoted to studies and experiments with a view to perfecting his inventions, and his final results, it is believed, were not made known to the world, nor rendered available when death terminated his labors.

The New Harmony Time store was opened in 1842. At [300] first it encountered strong opposition at the hands of interested rivals, but its beneficial influence was soon felt in a fall of retail prices throughout the surrounding country. Of this, his second store experiment, Warren wrote :

"Whatever may be thought of the hopelessness or the unpopularity of reform movements, I will venture to assert that no institution, political, moral, nor religious, ever assumed a more sudden and extensive popularity than the Time store of New Harmony. But it was principally among the poor, the humble, and the downtrodden. None of those who had been accustomed to lead, none who had anything to lead with, offered the least assistance or aid, nor scarcely sympathy, though they did not attempt to deny the soundness of the principles. . . . When all the stores in the surrounding country had come down in their prices to an equilibrium with the Equity store, the custom naturally flowed back again to them, and the next step was to wind up the Time store and commence a village."

Warren next turned his ingenuity to the production in 1844 of an original system of music, denominated by him "Mathematical Notation," designated on scientific principles to accomplish in the representation of harmonic sounds a similar service to that performed by phonography in the representation of the elements of speech. The author printed the bock by his newly perfected universal typography, and, as may still be seen by a copy preserved in the library of the New Harmony Working Men's Institute, it was a beautiful example of his stereotyping process, reproducing his own handwriting in delicate copper-plate. Dr. Mason, a musical authority of that day, admitted the comprehensiveness and simplicity of Warren's musical notation, but believed it would be a hopeless undertaking to attempt to supersede the universally accepted system.

About this period Warren received seven thousand dollars [301] for his stereotyping patents, and such a wave of financial prosperity revived his desire to found another Equity village. For this purpose he secured land near New Harmony, but abandoned it for more favorable prospects in Ohio. The village of Utopia was founded by Warren in 1847 about a mile above Claremont, a Fourierist community which had just then come to grief. Unlike the latter, there was no common ownership of property in Warren's experiments. Each family owned its own lot and house (after it was erected), but the members of the village cooperated in all cases where it was mutually advantageous to do so. Warren's efforts were for those whose only means was their labor force, and his purpose was to demonstrate that such people, with free access to natural resources, could, by exchanging their labor on equitable terms, by means of labor notes, build their own houses, supply their prime necessities, and attain to comfort and prosperity without dependence on capitalists, or any external authority, for the means of life.

Utopia went on progressing in a quiet way for many years. It was the policy of the settlers to avoid publicity, and to refrain from encouraging outsiders to visit or to join them. One of the pioneers, E. G. Cubberly, in October, 1872, while still residing in his original home in Utopia, wrote: "The labor notes put us into a reciprocating society—the result was, in two years twelve families found themselves with homes who never owned homes before. . . . Labor-capital did it. I built a brick cottage, one-and-a-half stories high, and all the money I paid out was nine dollars and eighty-one cents—all the rest was effected by exchanging labor for labor. Mr. Warren is right, and the way to get back as much labor as we give is by the labor cost prices; money prices, with no principle to guide, have always deceived us."

It may naturally be asked what became of the village. Why did equity villages not multiply? Why did the pioneers [302] keep from the public as far as possible all information concerning them? To such questions no satisfactory answer in a few words can be given. Owing to the high price of the surrounding land, most of the settlers, after about four years, moved from Utopia into Minnesota, where land was cheap and abundant.

Leaving the scenes of his labors in Ohio and Indiana, Warren in 1850 visited New York and Boston, and, by means of a quiet propaganda, succeeded in around the interest of many earnest people in the individualistic form of cooperation advocated by him. He met the brilliant writer and reformer, Stephen Pearl Andrews, who henceforth became Warren's most ardent disciple, and the literary exponent of equity. Andrews' Science of Society, an exposition of the sovereignty of the individual, and cost the limit of price, has probably done more toward calling the attention of independent thinkers and reformers to Warren's philosophy than anything ever put forth by himself, and is by far the ablest statement of the "principles" which has yet appeared.

As a result of Warren's activity the Village of Modern Times was founded in 1851. The site was on Long Island, forty miles by railroad from New York City. The soil was considered worthless, but this did not deter the enthusiasts of equity. They came by ones and twos, and gradually began to clear the ground for market-gardens, meanwhile building themselves houses of such pretensions as their limited resources permitted. About a hundred souls had settled on the ground when the New York Tribune began to feature the colony and create a publicity as undesirable to the settle as it proved to be annoying. The newspaper notices brought many visitors, some to stay, mostly ignorant of the ideas on which the village was founded. True to their principles, which allowed equal rights to all in natural opportunities, the pioneers refrained from taking any steps to exclude the newcomers, [303] so long as they did not invade the rights of others. This devotion to principle had, however, its drawbacks, though in the end it proved a self-corrective. One man began to advocate plurality of wives, and started a paper to support. his views. Another believed clothing to be a superfluity and not only personally practised his Adamic vagaries but inflicted them upon his helpless children. A woman who would not have passed for a model of physical perfection, displayed herself in male attire, which gave rise to the newspaper comment that "the women of Modem Times dressed in men's clothes and looked hideous." Still another woman had the diet mania so severely that, after trying to live on beans without salt until reduced almost to a skeleton, she died within a year. Whereupon the newspapers declared: "The people of Modem Times are killing themselves with fanatical ideas about food." These were some of the burdens the real settlers had to bear because they acted on the non-invasive principle, and accorded liberty to do even the silliest things, believing that experience, and the application of personal responsibility in allowing things to be done at each one's own cost, would work the surest and most effectual cure.

Despite the persistent misrepresentations and the withering slanders to which the colony was subjected during its earlier years, the pioneers prospered. But after reaping so much of the undesirable fruits of notoriety, the name was changed to Brentwood, under which appellation it is still known.

Writing to an English friend in 1857, one of the settlers, Edward Linton, asks: "You have been here, sir, and I ask you, considering the natural obstacles to overcome, if you ever saw greater material success attained in. so short a time by the same number of people without capital, and with only their hands and brains to operate with, under ah the disadvantages of habits formed by a false education and training. . . . And as it regards individual [304] and social happiness and the entire absence of vice and crime, I am confident this settlement can not be equaled. This is, emphatically, the school of life. It is what has been learned here, infinitely more than what has been done, that constitutes what I consider the greatest success of the settlement. What has not been done is, I think, of far more consequence than what has been done.

I would rather that my children would live here and have the advantages of the society and practical lessons taught here, than for them to have what is called an education in the best institutions of learning in the world."

Linton's tribute to Warren in the same letter can not be omitted: "But whether I ever live to see the practical realization of the principles or not, here or elsewhere, I never can feel sufficiently grateful to the unostentatious man whose remarkable and peculiar constitution of mind enabled him to discover the most subtle and sublime truths ever made known to man for his self-government and the regulation of his intercourse with his neighbors. In my own person and in my own domestic affairs I have been incalculably benefited."

Broad avenues, tree-shaded streets, pretty cottages surrounded by strawberry-beds and well-tiled gardens, formed the outward appearance of Modem Times. The occupants were honest, industrious, and had learned to mind their own business, while readily cooperating with their neighbors for mutual advantage. They were free from sectarian dissensions, law-courts, jails, rumshops, prostitutes, and crime. No one acquired wealth save by his own industry. Long afterward the people who lived there during the years that the principles of equity were the only law among citizens, looked back with regret mingled with pleasure on those pioneer days of effort to achieve a higher social ideal.

It should be remembered that the equity villages did [305] not fail in the sense that New Harmony, Brook Farm, and numerous other similar experiments failed. The Modem Timers had no trouble over property or forms of government. Each owned his house and land, and by mutual understanding political or civic authority was dispensed with. None felt responsible for the failure of his neighbors, and only aggressive or invasive action was resented by combined action. The panic of 1857, which in New York City alone threw upward of twenty thousand people suddenly out of work, shattered a manufacturing enterprise that had been successfully begun in Modem Times. Before the effects of the ensuing industrial depression had cleared away, the country was in the throes of civil war, and all hope of success was for the time dissipated.

In July, 1854, while living at Modem Times, Warren began the publication of his Periodical Letters, a record of the movement and further exposition of the principles, which were issued with more or less regularity until the end of 1858. He spent the winter of 1855-'56 visiting his old friends in Ohio and Indiana. After 1860 he returned no more to the Long Island village.

The reformer's activity declined with advancing age. Several years were spent quietly at Cliftondale, near Boston, and in 1873 he went to reside with his friends, the Heywoods, in their home at Princeton, Massachusetts. Here he wrote and printed his last production, Part III, of the True Civilization series, giving "practical applications" and the "facts and conclusions of forty-seven years' study and experiments in reform movements through communism to elementary principles found in a direction opposite to and away from communism, but leading directly to all the harmonic results aimed at by communism." Equitable Commerce, his first book, containing practically all his views, was first published in 1846, and was several times reprinted. [306]

The last months of Warren's life were passed in Boston at the house of his early friend, Edward Linton, where he was cared for in his last illness by kindly hands. Kate Metcalf, one of the pioneers of Modem Times, nursed him to the end, which came on April 14, 1874.



[1] This chapter is the contribution of Mr. William Bailie, of Boston, who has made a searching study of the life and services of Josiah Warren, and is the best informed authority on the philosophy of that remarkable man.

Saturday, June 9, 2007

on the "Boston House of Equity," 3/26/1856

"To Correspondents," Boston Investigator, 25, 48 (March 26, 1856), 3.

"J. N."—The "Boston House of Equity" (established for the sale of provisions and groceries at about wholesale prices or a small advance upon cost,) and the "People's Paper," (pledged to advocate the enterprise,) have both failed or suspended operations.—The principle, however, upon which the movement was founded was a very good one, and deserved to succeed; but in a city where rent and labor are high, such an experiment is doubtful, even if well managed, and this probably was not. It undertook to do more than it had means to accomplish, and broke down under its own weight. We are not acquainted with the particulars of the failure, except that we have seen it stated in the papers that the proprietor of the concern sunk in a few moths some $40,000. The affair, we have understood, was to be investigated, and a report made to the public; but we believe that this has not yet been done.

Peaceful Revolutionist: contents

The Peaceful Revolutionist: Contents
[Monthly; Vol. 1, no. 1 (Jan. 1833)-v. 1, no. 4 (Apr. 5, 1833); v. 2, no. 1 (May 1848).]

Volume 1 No. 1: January, 1833

Volume 1 No. 2: February 5, 1833
5. Surrounding Circumstances
6 (?): Of Our State Difficulties (J.W.)
6: Principles and Progress of an Experiment of Rational Social Intercourse Continued
7: Written on Hearing Unwelcome News (poem: J.W.)
Progress of Equal Exchange in England
8: Society as it Is: The Causes of Its Evils, and the Practical Applications of the Proposed Remedies
"Themistocles said..."
A General Convention of the States
"The two first numbers of this paper..."

Volume 1 No. 3: March 1833

Volume 1., No. 4: April 5, 1833
13: Individuality (Ed. P. R.)
13: Cure for the Ague (Ed.)
14: From an English paper. Glorious Uncertainty of the Law.
The Utica Co-Operator
Principles and Progress -- of an Experiment of Rational Social Intercourse (J.W.)
15: To the Readers of the Free Enquirer
Society as it Is
The Western Courier
16: Moral Philosophy: According to Paley
Moral Philosophy According to Truth
Education by Legislation
To Subscribers
Perhaps there has been too much repetition (Ed. P.R.)

Volume 2, Number 1: May 1848
Utopia, May, 1848
Untitled piece ("This paper may be considered the continuation of the Peaceful Revolutionist of 1833, of the Gazette of Equitable Commerce"and of the "Problem Solved" of 1846.")
2: To James Bayliss (J. Warren)
10: Mr. Editor (E.G. Cubberley)
11: Progress (Ed.)
12: Signs of Returning Reason
Revolution (Ed.)
13: Encouragement: (A Young Mechanic)
To J.H.L.: A Word on Originality &c. (J.W.)
15: Information
16: To Correspondents
Terms (Josiah Warren, Editor and publisher)
"I make no apologies" (J.W.)

Friday, June 8, 2007

Modern Times "card" in The Circular

[notice], The Circular, 2, 41 (April 6, 1853), 162

The Tribune of April 4th, publishes a "Card to the Public," signed by four leading men at the ‘Modern Times’ settlement on Long Island, setting forth in brief the object of the settlement, the advantages it offers to laboring men and women, and the terms of admission. The object of the settlement is "to build a large town, or 'Equity Village,’ upon just and reciprocal principles,” based on the philosophy of "Cost the limit of Price,’ and the 'Sovereignty of the Individual,' as set forth in the publications of Josiah Warren and S. P. Andrews.

In order to effect this object, 'several philanthropic gentleman have secured between seven and eight hundred acres of land at the center of Long Island’ and offer it to actual settlers at its original cost as wild land; being from $1,50 to $2,00 for a common sized village lot, or about $22, per acre. No settler can purchase more than three acres. The land secured can be taken up on these terms about three year longer.

As to the terms of admission, “no pledges are required, and no understanding, implied or expressed, is had with the settlers, that they are to live upon those principles [i. e, the principles of Warren and Andrews) or in any given way. They will be expected to do so just so far and no father than they find their interest and their judgment impelling them to it. No conditions whatever are imposed except that the candidate for settlement shall receive an invitation to become a citizen after forming the acquaintance of parties on the ground, by letter or visit; in any way, in fine, by which they can be satisfied that he is a fitting person for such an enterprise." The number of settlers there at the present time, 'all comfortably housed,’ is about seventy.

Stephen Pearl Andrews "converts"

"Literary," The Independent, 3, 111 (January 16, 1851), 16.

"Mr. S. P. Andrews has become a convert to what purports to be a New Theory of Society, discovered by Mr. Josiah Warren, of Indiana, formerly of New Harmony. To exhibit the system, he has commenced a series, or periodical issue of pamphlets, under the title of "The Science of Society: The New Constitution of Government, in the Sovereignty of the Individual, as the Final Development of Protestantism, Democracy, and Socialism." We opine he will have some hard problems to solve before he succeeds in converting the people to his doctrine, that "Cost is the scientific limit of Price," instead of value, now recognized as the true measure of price.

note on "Letter from Josiah Warren"

[notice], Boston Investigator, 19, 21 (September 25, 1849), 3.

The letter of friend Warren, in another column, should not be passed over on account of its length. It is the first of a series of familiar correspondence on one of the most important questions of the day, and will be found very interesting.

Josiah Warren: from the National Reformer

[notice], Boston Investigator, 19, 2 (May 16, 1849), 2.

Josiah Warren, the indefatigable pioneer of Reform, accompanied by Amos E. Senter, and his accomplished wife, passed through here last week to join the brotherhood who give "Labor for Labor," in Utopia. A few friends called upon them, and had a graphic sketch of the cheering reception given to friend Warren's views, in Boston; where, during their exposition in public, the closest scrutiny of questioning brough only satisfactory responses, and faully satisfied the most skeptical opponents of progress, that "Equitable Commerce," which makes "cost the limit of price," is the true method "for the harmonious adjustment and regulation of the pecuniary, intellectual, and moral intercourse of mankind."—[Pittsburgh (Pa.,) National Reformer.

Equitable Commerce [extract]

"Equitable Commerce," Boston Investigator, 19, 2 (May 16, 1849), 2.

Equitable Commerce.

We extract the following paragraphs from a pamphlet with this title, by Josiah Warren, published at Utopia, Ohio:—

If a traveller in a hot day, stops at a farm house and asks for a drink of water, he generally gels it without any thought of price. Why?—Because it costs nothing, or its cost is immaterial. If the traveller was so thirsty that he would give a dollar for the water rather than not have it, this would be the value of the water to him; and if the farmer were to charge this price, ho would be acting upon the principle that "The price of a thing should be what it will bring," which is the motto and spirit of all the principal commerce of the world; and if he were to stop up all the neighboring springs, and cut off all supplies of water from other sources, and compel travellers to depend solely on him for water, and then should charge him $100 for a drink, he would be acting precisely upon the principle on which all the main business of the world has been conduced from time immemorial. It is pricing a thing according to "what it will bring," or according to its value to the receiver instead of its cost to the producer, For an illustration in the mercantile line, consult any report of "prices current" or "state of the markets" with comments by the publisher—the following is a sample, copied a paper nearest at hand:—

"No new arrivals of flour—demand increasing, price rose since yesterday at 12 o'clock, 25 cents per barrel.

No change in coffee since our last.

Sugar raised on Thursday a cent per pound, in consequence of a report received of small crops; later arrivals contradicted the report and prices fell again. Molasses, in demand, and holders not anxious to sell. Pork, little in market, and prices rising. Bacon, plenty and dull, fell since our last from 15 to 13 cts. Cotton, all in a few hands, bought up on speculation."

It will here be seen that prices are raised in consequence of increased want, and are lowered with its decrease. The most successful speculator is he who can create the most want in the community, and extort the most from it. This is civilized cannibalism.

The value of a loaf of bread to a starving man, is equivalent to the value of his life, and if the "price of a thing" should be "what it will bring," then one might properly demand of the starving man, his whole future life in servitude as the price of the loaf! But any one who should make such a demand would be looked open as insane, a cannibal, and one simultaneous voice would denounce the outrageous injustice, and cry aloud for retribution! Why! What is it that constitutes the cannibalism in this case? Is it not setting a price upon bread according to its value instead of its cost?

Josiah Warren, Equitable Commerce, 4/11/1849

"Equitable Commerce," Boston Investigator, 18, 49 (April 11, 1849), 3.

Equitable Commerce.

The following article on this subject by Josiah Warren, its discoverer, will be read with interest by his friends in this city and throughout the country :—

To the Editor of the Investigator:

Dear Sir:—In accordance with your request, I would gladly make use of your columns as a medium through which the public might get some idea of "Equitable Commerce," but I do not know that I could re-state the subject in any better form than that in the pamphlet entitled "Equitable Commerce," from which you are at liberty to extract whatever you judge may be useful.

There are some points, however, that I would wish to impress most emphatically, and these may justify reiteration. To do this subject justice it is necessary to examine it by itself, and not judge it by the experiments that have so often failed. Communism, Fourierism, and all the great enterprises for social reformation have (as far as I know,) been based upon a Unity of interests. Equitable Commerce is founded on exactly the opposite principle, that of the most complete Individuality of interests. One of the great ideas of Common Property and Fourierism was, to neutralise the antagonism of interests, to disarm competition of its desolating power, arid to make the interests of men harmonise and co-operate with instead of clashing with, and destroying each other. The inventors of these systems seem to have had this object in view in proposing a Unity of interests; but after a full and fair trial of this idea in a great variety of different forms at New Harmony with Mr. Owen in 1825 and '26, I was most thoroughly satisfied that no amount of philanthropy, wisdom and capital combined could make these enterprises based on United interests succeed; and that if we could not preserve the Individuality of interests and yet make them harmonise and procure the required co-operation, that our cause was hopeless. I believe it is admitted by all who have examined "Equitable Commerce," that simple equity is sufficient in itself if acted on, to neutralise destructive competition and to produce all the co-operation and all the economies aimed at by common property or by Fourierism.

The great obstacle to the understanding of this subject is its extreme simplicity. You can hold your finger so near your eye that you cannot see it. Some people think that a subject of this magnitude cannot be examined without spectacles: and their first step is to refer immediately to those who wear them, or to procure a pair for themselves; never thinking of the expedient of using their eyes. The editor of the "Bee" in this city, after examining the work on "Equitable Commerce," says "he cannot for the life of him see the pith of the principles,'' while a farmer in Indiana said that ''they had all the features that a great redeeming revolution ought to possess."

The editor of time Boston Post, after implying that he had read the work, seems to come to the conclusion that all such attempts to remodel society must be abortive, and that we must content ourselves with taking care of and preserving ourselves without infringing our neighbors rights! He probably read the work through with spectacles—if he had used his eyes, he must have perceived that this was exactly the substance of "Equitable Commerce." It is proposed as a means by which each one can preserve himself without encroaching upon the rights of others. This I understand to be exactly the reformation required—the problem to be solved!—However, it is not necessary that these editors should be able to comprehend the subject. It depends for its development upon the simple, unpretending common sense of those who see and feel the need of it. Diversity, of opinion or capacity, is no evil where conformity is not required. Equitable Commerce is founded on the broadest admission of individuality in all things, and the difference, therefore, even in the estimate of the subject, is not only harmless but beneficial, as it illustrates individuality itself, and serves to moderate enthusiasm, which might defeat the best of enterprises.

I very much doubt whether any merely verbal statement of the subject an establish its claims to confidence, and it is for this reason that the theory has been for twenty years kept in the back ground, while a silent but practical development of its details has been going on in different departments of business and investigation. It only remains to put these parts together at some one place, so that the whole may constitute a practical demonstration. This is now being done at Utopia, on the Ohio river, forty miles above Cincinnati, where those particularly interested, would do well, before forming an estimate of the subject, to spend two or three weeks in investigating details; but I would not advise any one to come to that place to settle or to stay any length of time without making enquiries by letter relative to the demand for his labor, accommodations, &c. Letters should be addressed to some one in "Eutopia, Rural Post Office, Ohio."

The length of an article often prevents it being read, I will therefore defer any thing further till a future opportunity.

JOSIAH WARREN

Josiah Warren: People's Sunday Meeting, 3/14/1849

"People's Sunday Meeting," Boston Investigator, 18, 46 (March 21, 1849), 3.

People's Sunday Meeting:—Next Sunday afternoon, the question of Equitable Commerce, or Mr. Warren's new plan of Social Reform, will be discussed.

Josiah Warren: People's Sunday Meeting, 3/14/1849

"People's Sunday Meeting," Boston Investigator, 18, 45 (March 14, 1849), 3.

People's Sunday Meeting:—Mr. Warren's lecture last Sunday afternoon on Music was well attended, and listened to with much interest. He commenced by going into a long and critical examination of the present system of teaching the art, and after showing the difficulties of acquiring it in consequence of the vague and ambiguous mode in which it is written, he presented his new system of writing music, which he maintained was so simplified and easy to understand as to be reality acquired by the masses. He has paid much attention to the subject, have been in early life a musician in the orchestra of the Federal Street Theatre in this city, and for the last twenty-five years an occasional teacher. His new system is therefore the result of long and careful study, and notwithstanding he might have it patented, and no doubt make not a little money by it, yet with his characteristic liberality he foregoes the advantage of money and fame, and gives his discovery freely to the public. We are not able to criticise his system and show all its merits, but we understood him to say that it bears about the same relation to the present method of writing music, that phonography does to the old system of spelling.

At the conclusion of the lecture, the audience gave him a unanimous vote of thanks.

Equitable Commerce: Boston Investigator advertisement

[advertisement], Boston Investigator, 18, 44 (March 7, 1849), 3.

EQUITABLE COMMERCE

THE SECOND EDITION OF "EQUITABLE COMMERCE, a new development of principles for the harmonious adjustment and regulation of the intercourse of mankind," is just published and for sale at the Investigator Office, 35 Washington street, and at Bela Marsh's Bookstore, 25 Cornhill, Boston. Also, at Utopia, Ohio, where the principles are in practical operation. Address "Josiah Warren, Utopia, Rural Post Office, O.

March 7, 1849.

Josiah Warren: The People's Sunday Meeting, 3/7/1849

"The People's Sunday Meeting," Boston Investigator, 18, 44 (March 7, 1849), 3.

The People’ Sunday Meeting,

FOR FREE DISCUSSION,

This Institution holds a public meeting every SUNDAY AFTERNOON, at Hancock Hall, 330 Washington street, commencing at quarter past, 2 o’clock.

On Sunday afternoon next, a Lecture will be delivered by Josiah Warren, from Utopia, Ohio.

Subject—A New Mode of writing Music.

The public, without distinction, are respectfully invited to attend.

Equitable Commerce: Boston Investigator, 3/7/1849

"Equitable Commerce," Boston Investigator, 18, 44 (March 7, 1849), 3.

"Equitable Commerce: A new Development of Principles, for the harmonious adjustment and regulation of the pecuniary, intellectual, and moral intercourse of mankind, proposed as element of New Society, by Josiah Warren. Second Edition. Utopia, Ohio: Published by Amos E. Senter: 1849."

We have not yet had an opportunity to examine this pamphlet carefully, but from a cursory glance at its pages, we are satisfied that it is written with much ability, and with a sincere desire to promote the happiness and improvement of mankind. Independent of Mr. Warren's peculiar theory, it contains reflections upon the existing state of society, particularly as it regards the great question of Labor, which must be both interesting and useful to every friend of humanity, and more especially to those who are interested in the welfare of the working classes. When we have become better acquainted with the merits of the work, we shall speak of it more at length.

The book is for sale at this office. It contains 63 large octavo pages—Price, 25 cents.

Josiah Warren: People's Sunday Meeting (3/7/1849)

"People's Sunday Meeting," Boston Investigator, 18, 44 (March 7, 1849), 3.

People's Sunday Meeting:—By reference to the advertisement of this Society, it will be seen that Mr. Warren will deliver next Sunday a lecture on Music and Singing. We understand he has a new and original theory on this very pleasing subject, and being also practically acquainted with it, having for some years past been an occasional teacher, we have no doubt of his ability to five an interesting and instructive lecture. We ask for him a crowded Hall.

The position he takes is, that the reason why people do not generally succeed to their satisfaction in their attempts to learn music is not because music is too scientific for the masses, but it is because Music is not scientifically written.

Josiah Warren: The People's Sunday Meeting (2/28/1849)

"The People's Sunday Meeting," Boston Investigator, 18, 43 (February 28, 1849), 3.

The People’ Sunday Meeting,

FOR FREE DISCUSSION,

This Institution holds a public meeting every SUNDAY AFTERNOON, at Hancock Hall, 330 Washington street, commencing at quarter past, 2 o’clock.

On Sunday afternoon next, a Free Meeting will be held, at which any person so disposed, can speak on the following question:—

Subject—Equitable Commerce. A New Mode of Social Reformation.

The public, without distinction, are respectfully invited to attend.

Josiah Warren: The People's Sunday Meeting 2/28/1849

"The People's Sunday Meeting," Boston Investigator, 18, 43 (February 28, 1849), 3.

People's Sunday Meeting:—The lectures of Mr. Warren before this Society were finished on Sunday last, and at his request will be made the subject of discussion next Sunday. The public are invited to attend and take part in the debate. The meeting is free, and fifteen minutes are allowed each speaker.

A pamphlet, now in press, explaining minutely the theory upon which Mr. Warren has been lecturing, will be offered for sale at the meeting next Sunday.

Josiah Warren: Boston Investigator notice 2/21/1849

[notice], Boston Investigator, 18, 42 (February 21, 1849), 3.

Mr. Warren will deliver another of his interesting lectures next Sunday afternoon at the People's Sunday Meeting.

Josiah Warren: Boston Investigator notice 2/14/1849

[notice], Boston Investigator, 18, 41 (February 14, 1849), 3.

Mr. Warren will lecture, as usual, next Sunday afternoon before the People's Sunday Meeting. The subject upon which he speaks is one that concerns every friend of social reform, but more particularly every friend of labor. Mechanics, therefore, should not miss the opportunity of hearing him.

Josiah Warren: Boston Investigator notice 2/7/1849

[notice], Boston Investigator, 18, 40 (February 7, 1849), 3.

Mr. Warren will continue his lectures next Sunday before the People's Meeting. Thus far, they have been well attended, and excited a good degree of interest; and whether he succeeds in convincing his hearers or not, he is listened to with much attention, and his ability and candor universally admired. We give no report of his lecture, because, conducted as they are mainly by means of question and answers, we find it very difficult to present a clear and correct statement of his theory; and beside, we expect, as we have said before, that he will yet furnish us with a detailed account of it for publication. In the meantime, we advise all who can, to go and hear him; for we are certain, that even if they dissent from some of his principles, they will hear others that will be sure to increase their stock of knowledge.

Josiah Warren: Boston Investigator notice 1/24/1849

[notice], Boston Investigator, 18, 39 (January 24, 1849), 3.

Mr. Warren will lecture again before the People's Sunday Meeting on Sunday nest. His last lecture was well attended, and listened to with much interest.

Mr. Warren's Lecture

"Mr. Warren's Lecture," Boston Investigator, 18, 38 (January 24, 1849), 3.

Mr. Warren's Lecture.

PEOPLE’S SUNDAY MEETING—The lecture delivered by Mr. Josiah WARREN on Sunday last, was very interesting, and well attended. We should be pleased to give an extended report of it, but horn the manner in which a great part of the lecture was carried on—namely, by questions from the audience and his answers thereto—we fear we should not be able to do it any thing like justice did we attempt a detailed report, and the whole subject being a new one in this quarter, we should regret very much to say even a word upon it that should tend to give an erroneous impression of its real character. Besides, we are not without hopes that Mr. Warren, before he leaves our city, will furnish us with a series of short articles for publication, detailing minutely the theory and practice of his new Social Experiment at Utopia. By this method, it will not only be well understood in this section, but by means of our circulation it will be spread over the country at large, and thus be ought to the notice of a great many liberal and enquiring minds who might not otherwise have an opportunity to acquaint themselves with its merits. Referring again to Mr. Warren’s mode of lecturing, we cannot well refrain from alluding to a very original feature, which strikingly exhibits his remarkable candor and fairness —and that is, his custom of inviting the audience to raise any objections they may deem necessary for the better understanding of any particular point he is illustrating. No more convincing test than this can be given of a Reformer’s sincerity and honesty; and were the honorable and candid example followed by the clergy, they would no longer have occasion to complain of empty pews, for the intelligent and enquiring would crowd their sanctuaries from floor to ceiling, and soon liberalize the whole church system.

But though we are not able to present in detail the lecture of Mr. Warren, we believe we can state correctly some of his general propositions, and thereby give a faint idea of his system. He took it for granted that the great problem of harmonious society was yet to be solved. His solution was comprised in Equitable Commerce, by which he included all intercourse between men. Equitable Commerce was based on individual interest; every individual is his or her own sovereign, and must always be above or superior to institutions; people (of whom there are twelve families in Utopia) do not sign any pledge, constitution, or regulation—there is perfect individuality there. Again, his plan included the just reward of labor Articles were not bought and sold at Utopia at a value, but at their cost, which cost was regulated by the amount labor bestowed on their production. Repulsive and attractive labor were not paid equally. The per cent. principle was discarded altogether. All worked at Utopia at some trade other, and a hours’ work a day was all that was necessary to obtain a good subsistence. Among other institutions on the premises, was a college for teaching trades.

This, of course, is but a mere outline of Mr. Warren's theory, which must be patiently studied in order to be understood. We are happy to state that he will continue his lecture next Sunday. All who are interested in Social Reform—and what reflecting man or woman is not?—should make it a point to attend.

The People's Sunday Meeting

"The People's Sunday Meeting," Boston Investigator, 18, 37 (January 17, 1849), 3.
---, Boston Investigator, 18, 38 (January 24, 1849), 3.
---, Boston Investigator, 18, 39 (January 31, 1849), 3.
---, Boston Investigator, 18, 40 (February 7, 1849), 3.
---, Boston Investigator, 18, 41 (February 14, 1849), 3.
---, Boston Investigator, 18, 42 (February 21, 1849), 3.


The People’ Sunday Meeting,

FOR FREE DISCUSSION,

This Institution holds a public meeting every SUNDAY AFTERNOON, at Hancock Hall, 330 Washington street, commencing at quarter past, 2 o’clock.

On Sunday afternoon next, a Lecture will be delivered by Josiah Warren, from Utopia, Ohio.

Subject—Equitable Commerce. A New Mode of Social Reformation.

The public, without distinction, are respectfully invited to attend.

Lecture by Josiah Warren (January 17, 1849)

"Lecture by Josiah Warren," Boston Investigator, 18, 37 (January 17, 1849), 3.

Lecture by Josiah Warren.

PEOPLE'S SUNDAY MEETING —The usual discussion next Sunday will be suspended in order to allow Mr. Josiah Warren, lately of New Harmony, (Ind.,) an opportunity to deliver a lecture on the subject of "Equitable Commerce." This new mode of Social Reformation is one that Mr. Warren has paid much attention to for several years, and from the very favorable manner in which we have seen him noticed in Western papers, we have no doubt of his being a gentleman of considerable ability and well-qualified to give an interesting and instructive Lecture. His address next Sunday, which he has kindly volunteered to deliver gratis, will be of an introductory character, and followed perhaps by a course of Lectures, if such should be the wish of the meeting. Believing that the subject, as he explains it, is well worth the attention of all classes of society, but more particularly of the friends of Social Reform—such as the Associationists, Protective Unionists, Communists, or whatever other name the friends of Humanity may rally under—we would earnestly ask for Mr. Warren a large and prompt attendance. As proof of the idea that his system of reform is based on practical demonstration, we would state that the settlement of Utopia, (Ohio,) now in a flourishing condition, is founded upon the plan which he intends to make the subject of his proposed Lectures.

The place of meeting is Hancock Hall, 339 Washington street—time, quarter past 2 o'clock, P. M.

Notice of Josiah Warren's lard-lamp patent

"Weekly Summary," The Plough Boy, and Journal of the Board of Agriculture, 2, 52 (May 26, 1821), 415.

Josiah Warren, of Cincinnati, is the patentee of a lamp on a new plan, which is said, to a single family, will produce an annual saving of 20 dollars. Its light is clear and pleasant, and the volume of flame equal to that of two common candles.

Thursday, June 7, 2007

Hippolyte Havel on Voltairine de Cleyre

Hippolyte Havel, "Introduction," in Voltairine de Cleyre; Alexander Berkman, ed., Selected Works of Voltairine de Cleyre, New York: Mother Earth, 1914, 5-14.

Introduction

"NATURE has the habit of now and then producing a type of human being far in advance of the times; an ideal for us to emulate; a being devoid of sham, uncompromising, and to whom the truth is sacred; a being whose selfishness is so large that it takes in the whole human race and treats self only as one of the great mass; a being keen to sense all forms of wrong, and powerful in denunciation of it; one who can reach into the future and draw it nearer. Such a being was Voltairine de Cleyre."

What could be added to this splendid tribute by Jay Fox to the memory of Voltairine de Cleyre? These admirable words express the sentiments of all the friends and comrades of that remarkable woman whose whole life was dedicated te a dominant idea.

Like many other women in public life, Voltairine de Cleyre was a voluminous letter writer. Those letters addressed to her comrades, friends, and admirers would form her real biography; in them we trace her heroic struggles, her activity, her beliefs, her doubts, her mental changes—in short, her whole life, mirrored in a manner no biographer will ever be able to equal. To collect and publish this correspondence as a part of Voltairine de Cleyre's works is impossible; the task is too big for the present undertaking. But let us hope that we will find time and means to publish at least a part of this correspondence in the near future.

The average American still holds to the belief that Anarchism is a foreign poison imported into the States [6] from decadent Europe by criminal paranoiacs. Hence the ridiculous attempt of our lawmakers to stamp out Anarchy, by passing a statute which forbids Anarchists from other lands to enter the country. Those wise Solons are ignorant of the fact that Anarchist theories and ideas were propounded in our Commonwealth ere Proudhon or Bakunin entered the arena of intellectual struggle and formulated their thesis of perfect freedom and economic independence in Anarchy. Neither are they acquainted with the writings of Lysander Spooner, Josiah Warren, Stephen Pearl Andrews, William B. Greene, or Benjamin Tucker, nor familiar with the propagandistic work of Albert R. Parsons, Dyer D. Lum, C. L. James, Moses Harman, Ross Winn, and a host of other Anarchists who sprang from the native stock and soil. To call their attention to these facts is quite as futile as to point out that the tocsin of revolt resounds in the writings of Emerson, Thoreau, Hawthorne, Whitman, Garrison, Wendell Phillips, and other seers of America; just as futile as to prove to them that the pioneers in the movement for woman's emancipation in America were permeated with Anarchist thoughts and feelings. Hardened by a fierce struggle and strengthened by a vicious persecution, those brave champions of sex-freedom defied the respectable mob by proclaiming their independence from prevailing cant and hypocrisy. They inaugurated the tremendous sex revolt among the American women— a purely native movement which has yet to find its historian.

Voltairine de Cleyre belongs to this gallant array of rebels who swore allegiance to the cause of universal liberty, thus forfeiting the respect of all "honorable citizens," and bringing upon their heads the persecution of the ruling class. In the real history of the struggle for human emancipation, her name will be found among the [7] of her time. Born shortly after the close of the Civil War, she witnessed during her life the most momentous transformation of the nation; she saw the change from an agricultural community into an industrial empire the tremendous development of capital in this country, with the accompanying misery and degradation of labor. Her life path was sketched ere she reached the age of womanhood: she had to become a rebel! To stand outside of the struggle would have meant intellectual death. She chose the only way.

Voltairine de Cleyre was born on November 17, 1866, in the town of Leslie, Michigan. She died on June 6, 1912, in Chicago. She came from French-American stock, on her mother's side of Puritan descent. Her father, Auguste de Cleyre, was a native of western Flanders, but his family was of French origin. He emigrated to America in 1854. Being a freethinker and a great admirer of Voltaire, he insisted on the birthday of the child that the new member of the family should be called Voltairine. Though born in Leslie, the earliest recollections of Voltairine were of the small town of St. John's, in Clinton County, her parents having removed to that place a year after her birth. Voltairine did not have a happy childhood; her earliest life was embittered by want of the common necessities, which her parents, hard as they tried, could not provide. A vein of sadness can be traced in her earliest poems—the songs of a child of talent and great fantasy. A deep sorrow fell into her heart at the age of four, when the teacher of the primary school refused to admit her because she was too young. But she soon succeeded in forcing her entrance into the temple of knowledge. An earnest student, she was graduated from the grammar school at the age of twelve.

Strength of mind does not seem to have been a char-[8]-acteristic of Auguste de Cleyre, for he recanted his libertarian ideas, returned to the fold of the church, and became obsessed with the idea that the highest vocation for a woman was the life of a nun. He determined to put the child into a convent. Thus began the great tragedy of Voltairine's early life. Her beloved mother, a member of the Presbyterian Church, opposed this idea with all her strength, but in vain: the will of the lord of the household prevailed, and the child was sent to the Convent of Our Lady of Lake Huron, at Sarnia, in the Province of Ontario, Canada. Here she experienced four years of terrible ordeal; only after much repression, insubordination, and atonement, she forced her way back into the living world. In the sketch, "The Making of an Anarchist," she tells us of the strain she underwent in that living tomb:

"How I pity myself now, when I remember it, poor lonesome little soul, battling solitary in the murk of religious superstition, unable to believe and yet in hourly fear of damnation, hot, savage, and eternal, if I do not instantly confess and profess! How well I recall the bitter energy with which I repelled my teacher's enjoinder, when I told her I did not wish to apologize for an adjudged fault as I could not see that I had been wrong and would not feel my words. 'It is not necessary,' said she, 'that we should feel what we say, but it is always necessary that we obey our superiors.' 'I will not lie,' I answered hotly, and at the same time trembled lest my disobedience had finally consigned me to torment! I struggled my way out at last, and was a freethinker when I left the institution, three years later, though I had never seen a book or heard a word to help me in my loneliness. It had been like the Valley of the Shadow of Death, and there are white scars on my soul yet, where [9] Ignorance and Superstition burnt me with their hell-fire in those stifling days. Am I blasphemous? It is their word, not mine. Beside that battle of my young days all others have been easy, for whatever was without, within my own Will was supreme. It has owed no allegiance, and never shall; it has moved steadily in one direction, the knowledge and assertion of its own liberty, with all the responsibility falling thereon."

During her stay at the convent there was little communication between her and her parents. In a letter from Mrs. Eliza de Cleyre, the mother of Voltairine, we are informed that she decided to run away from the convent after she had been there a few weeks. She escaped before breakfast, and crossed the river to Port Huron; but, as she had no money, she started to walk home. After covering seventeen miles, she realized that she never could do it; so she turned around and walked back, and entering the house of an acquaintance in Port Huron asked for something to eat. They sent for her father, who afterwards took her back to the convent What penance they inflicted she never told, but at sixteen her health was so bad that the convent authorities let her come home for a vacation, telling her, however, that she would find her every movement watched, and that everything she said would be reported to them. The result was that she started at every sound, her hands shaking and her face as pale as death. She was about five weeks from graduating at that time. When her vacation was over, she went back and finished her studies. And then she started for home again, but this time she had money enough for her fare, and she got home to stay, never to go back to the place that had been a prison to her. She had seen enough of the convent to decide for herself that she could not be a nun. [10]

The child who had sung:

"There's a love supreme in the Great Hereafter,
The buds of Earth are bloom in Heaven,

The smiles of the world are ripples of laughter
When back to its Aidenn the soul is given,

And the tears of the world, though long in flowing,
Water the fields of the bye-and-bye;

They fail as dews on the sweet grass growing,
When the fountains of sorrow and grief run dry.

Though clouds hang over the furrows now sowing
There's a harvest sun-wreath in the After-sky.

"No love is wasted, no heart beats vainly,
There's a vast perfection beyond the grave;

Up the bays of heaven the stars shine plainly—
The stars lying dim on the brow of the wave.

And the lights of our loves, though they flicker and wane, they
Shall shine all undimmed in the ether nave.

For the altars of God are lit with souls
Fanned to flaming with love where the star-wind rolls."

returned from the convent a strong-minded freethinker. She was received with open arms by her mother, almost as one returned from the grave. With the exception of the education derived from books, she knew no more than a child, having almost no knowledge of practical things.

Already in the convent she had succeeded in impressing her strong personality upon her surroundings. Her teachers could not break her; they were therefore forced to respect her. In a polemic with the editor of the Catholic Buffalo Union and Times, a few years ago, Voltairine wrote: "If you think that I, as your opponent, deserve the benefit of truth, but as a stranger you doubt my veracity, I respectfully request you to submit this letter to Sister Mary Medard, my former teacher, now Superioress at Windsor, or to my revered friend, Father Siegfried, Overbrook Seminary, Over-[11]- brook, Pa., who will tell you whether, in their opinion, my disposition to tell the truth may be trusted."

Reaction from the repression and the cruel discipline of the Catholic Church helped to develop Voltairine's inherent tendency toward free-thought; the five-fold murder of the labor leaders in Chicago, in 1887, shocked her mind so deeply that from that moment dates her development toward Anarchism. When in 1886 the bomb fell on the Haymarket Square, and the Anarchists were arrested, Voltairine de Cleyre, who at that time was a free-thought lecturer, shouted: "They ought to be hanged!" They were hanged, and now her body rests in Waldheim Cemetery, near the grave of those martyrs. Speaking at a memorial meeting in honor of those comrades, in 1901, she said: "For that ignorant, outrageous, bloodthirsty sentence I shall never forgive myself, though I know the dead men would have for given me, though I know those who loved them forgive me. But my own voice, as it sounded that night, will sound so in my ears till I die—a bitter reproach and a shame. I have only one word of extenuation for myself and the millions of others who did as I did that night—ignorance.

She did not remain long in ignorance. In "The Making of an Anarchist" she describes why she became a convert to the idea and why she entered the movement. "Till then," she writes, "I believed in the essential justice of the American law and trial by jury. After that I never could. The infamy of that trial has passed into history, and the question it awakened as to the possibility of justice under law has passed into clamorous crying across the world."

At the age of nineteen Voltairine had consecrated herself to the service of humanity. In her poem, "The [12] Burial of My Past Self," she thus bids farewell to her youthful life:

"And now, Humanity, I turn to you;
I consecrate my service to the world!

Perish the old love, welcome to the new—
Broad as the space-aisles where the stars are whirled !"

Yet the pure and simple free-thought agitation in its narrow circle could not suffice her. The spirit of rebellion, the spirit of Anarchy, took hold of her soul. The idea of universal rebellion saved her; otherwise she might have stagnated like so many of her contemporaries, suffocated in the narrow surroundings of their intellectual life. A lecture of Clarence Darrow, which she heard in 1887, led her to the study of Socialism, and then there was for her but one step to Anarchism. Dyer D. Lum, the fellow worker of the Chicago martyrs, had undoubtedly the greatest influence in shaping her development; he was her teacher, her confidant, and comrade; his death in 1893 was a terrible blow to Voltairine.

Voltairine spent the greater part of her life in Philadelphia. Here, among congenial friends, and later among the Jewish emigrants, she did her best work. In 1897 she went on a lecture tour to England and Scotland, and in 1902, after an insane youth had tried to take her life, she went for a short trip to Norway to recuperate from her wounds. Hers was a life of bitter economic struggle and an unceasing fight with physical weakness, partly resulting from this very economic struggle. One wonders how, under such circumstances, she could have produced such an amount of work. Her poems, sketches, propagandistic articles and essays may be found in the Open Court, Twentieth Century, Magazine of Poetry, Truth, Lucifer, Boston Investigator, Rights of Labor, Truth Seeker, Liberty, Chicago Liberal, [13] Free Society, Mother Earth, and in The Independent. She translated Jean Grave's "Moribund Society and Anarchy" from the French, and left an unfinished translation of Louise Michel's work on the Paris Commune. In Mother Earth appeared her translations from the Jewish of Libin and Peretz. In collaboration with Dyer D. Lum she wrote a novel on social questions, which s unfortunately remained unfinished.

Voltairine de Cleyre's views on the sex-question, on agnosticism and free-thought, on individualism and communism, on non-resistance and direct action, under went many changes. In the year 1902 she wrote: "The spread of Tolstoy's 'War and Peace' and 'The Slavery of Our Times,' and the growth of the numerous Tolstoy clubs having for their purpose the dissemination of the literature of non-resistance, is an evidence that many receive the idea that it is easier to conquer war with peace. I am one of these. I can see no end of retaliation, unless some one ceases to retaliate." She adds, however: "But let no one mistake this for servile submission or meek abnegation; my right shall be asserted no matter at what cost to me, and none shall trench upon it without my protest." But as she used to quote her comrade, Dyer D. Lum: "Events proved to be the true schoolmasters." The last years of her life were filled with the spirit of direct action, and especially with the social importance of the Mexican Revolution. The splendid propaganda work of Wm. C. Owen in behalf of this tremendous upheaval inspired her to great effort. She, too, had found out by experience that only action counts, that only a direct participation in the struggle makes life worth while

Voltairine de Cleyre was one of the most remarkable personalities of our time. She was a born iconoclast; [14] her spirit was too free, her taste too refined, to accept any idea that has the slightest degree of limitation. A great sadness, a knowledge that there is a universal pain, filled her heart. Through her own suffering and through the suffering of others she reached the highest exaltation of mind; she was conscious of all the vanities of life. In the service of the poor and oppressed she found her life mission. In an exquisite tribute to her memory, Leonard D. Abbott calls Voltairine de Cleyre a priestess of Pity and of Vengeance, whose voice has a vibrant quality that is unique in literature. We are convinced that her writings will live as long as humanity exists.

Hippolyte Havel.

W. H. Van Ornum, Wheelbarrow and Land Values

W. H. Van Ornum, "Wheelbarrow and Land Values," The Open Court, 3, 80 (March 7, 1889), 1506.

WHEELBARROW AND LAND VALUES.

To the Editor of The Open Court:—

* * * Wheelbarrow seems to be unable to distinguish between land and land-values, but there is no difficulty in it if he will do a little solid thinking. Let him first find out what value is, and then not confound it with anything else. May be we can help him a little. Suppose we say that value is what people will give for a thing. Now land may be very useful and yet worth nothing. No matter how useful it may be no one will give anything for it if they can get just as good without buying it. If watches like Wheelbarrow's were free, then watches of that grade would be worth nothing, although they might be very useful timekeepers. When particular land, for any reason, is wanted by more than one person, then a value attaches, and that value is just what any one of them will give for its exclusive use. It is the competition which makes the value at all, and the greater the competition the greater the value, and it is this value which is proposed to be taken under the single tax. Recognizing the equal right of every man, not only to land at all, but to any particular land, then if two or more want the same land the only way to satisfy the rights of all of them and determine which shall have it, is to turn it over to the one who will pay the most into a common fund for them all, and in which they ail share alike. If it was proposed to tax land, as such, then all land would be taxed; but it is only valuable land which we seek to tax, and just in proportion to its value. Now can Wheelbarrow understand how that land[-value?] is something "that attaches to land by the growth of the community?" Growth of the community, increase in population, and increase in competition are synonomous terms, and are only different ways of stating the cause of land values. * * *

Ravenswood, Ill. W. H. Van Ornum.