Monday, May 28, 2007

What We Mean

"What We Mean," Liberty, 1, 19 (April 15, 1882), 2.

What We Mean.

Our purpose is the abolition, not only of all existing States, but of the State itself. Is not this a straightforward and well-defined purpose? There can be no mistaking it, and it admits of no equivocation. The least that our enemies can say of us is that we stand in the market-place of thought and action with a square protest and a square assertion.

And what is the State? It is not a thing that can be especially defined by Russia, Germany, Great Britain, or Massachusetts. The State is a principle, a philosophical error in social existence. The State is chaos, rioting under the guise of law, order, and morality. The State is a mob, posited on unscientific premises. We propose to supplant the mob by that true social order which is pivoted on the sovereignty of individualities associated for mutual well-being under the law or natural attraction and selection,— Liberty.

Under this formula we do not, in the best sense of the word, discard government. On the contrary, it is government that we are after. The State is not government, since it denies Liberty. The State becomes impossible the moment you remove from it the element of compulsion. But it is exactly at this point that government begins. Where the State ceases government begin, and, conversely, where the State begins government ceases.

We often hear of a wise parent governing his children by love. Did anyone ever hear of a monarch conducting a State by love? Did not the State originate in a distrust of love and natural selection as the true motors of government? Was not the very motive of the first rulers of peoples the abolition of government? Were they not designing conspirators, who saw that, under a system of natural association, there would be universal well-being and a just distribution of natural wealth and the rewards of labor? In order to enrich themselves and gratify their vanity and love of power at the expense of others, they took advantage of the superstitions element in man, and erected their thrones under cover of the divinity. Their purpose was to supplant government by force, and their machine the called the State.

Now, wherever force takes the place of natural selection and associative mutualism founded on consent, there a State is inaugurated. It may be in the church; it may be in the political State; it may be in the league, the club, the lyceum, as labor union, or the household. It is a State, in that it posits authority and supplements it by force, thus denying government and substituting despotism.

We assert that delegated authority assumed to be vested in any titled or elected person, not excepting God himself, is, in the very nature of the case, a lie, a fraud, and, moreover, a scientific impossibility, since the individual is the only source of authority, and, even if he would, could not alienate from his personality the control of himself by contract. Hence we regard all popes, kings, emperors, presidents, and persons in authority everywhere as impostors and usurpers, and the constitutions, "vested rights," and other lying parchments under which they claim the right to rule as binding only on such as freely give their consent

When we state as our purpose, then, the abolition of the State, the reader must not have in view a forcible raid upon the palace of some king, or a military expedition against same state house, parliament, or arsenal, even though at some later day circumstances should give rise to such incidents in our warfare. What we mean by the abolition of the State is the abolition of a false philosophy, or, rather, the overthrow of a gigantic fraud under which people consent to be coerced and restrained from minding their own business. The philosophy of Liberty can be applied everywhere, and he who successfully applies it in his family in the place of avenging Gods, arbitrary codes, threats, commands, and whips may easily have the satisfaction of abolishing at least one State. When we have substituted our philosophy in place of the old, then the palaces, cathedrals, and arsenals will naturally fall to pieces through neglect and the rust that is sure to corrupt tenantless and obsolete structures.

We should like to be able to better elucidate our philosophy in a larger and more frequently issued sheet. We do the best that we can in the little space at our command. Meanwhile, all the signs of the times promise well, and we go on with our humble work rejoicing,— conquering and to conquer.

Thursday, May 24, 2007

William Bailie, "Josiah Warren" (New Harmony Movement)

William Bailie, "Josiah Warren," in George B. Lockwood, The New Harmony Movement, New York: Appleton, 1905.

CHAPTER XXI

JOSIAH WARREN[1]

"A remarkable American, Josiah Warren."

—JOHN STUART MILL.

AMONG the most remarkable characters attracted to New Harmony in community days was Josiah Warren, equally notable as an inventive genius, a social philosopher, and a peaceful revolutionist. He was born in Boston in 1798, of historically famous Puritan stock. Of his parents and early life but little is known. At an early age he displayed musical talents, and, with his brother George, played professionally in local bands. At the age of twenty he married, and soon after set out from his native place to improve his fortunes in the West. He settled in Cincinnati, and gained an honorable repute as an orchestra leader; but he had other interests besides music. Mechanical pursuits occupied his leisure hours, the earliest fruit of which was the invention of a lamp, patented in 1823, which substituted lard for tallow as fuel, giving a better light at a lower cost. Its success was such that the inventor before long was running a lamp manufactory in Cincinnati.

More pressing problems than those of illumination were, however, shortly to arise and absorb the active mind and generous heart of the ingenious young New Englander. There came to Cincinnati in 1824 a visitor whose reputation [295] as the boldest and most successful social reformer of the age was world-wide. When Robert Owen, with a fervor of conviction and inspiring enthusiasm which have never been surpassed, unfolded his plans for the inauguration of The New Moral World, Warren was so much impressed that he decided to join the grand experiment which was about to begin at New Harmony. So, after disposing of his lamp factory, Warren, with his young family, joined Owen and his enthusiasts on the Rappite property, hoping to assist in founding the ideal community which was to usher in a millennium of peace and plenty, brotherhood and happiness, ultimately to embrace all mankind.

Here Warren found a field in which to study the problems of government, property, and industry, together with the relation of the individual to society, such as never before was given to man. During two stormy years of vicissitudes, disappointments, and failure Warren remained with the community, and bore his share of the burdens incident to so pretentious an undertaking. And when he finally departed it was not, like so many others, as an embittered reactionary, but as an earnest, hopeful student who had spent his time to good purpose. As one who had with painful solicitude witnessed the inadequacy of communism to correct the evils of property; and the failure of paternal authority, as well as of majority rule, to solve the problems of government, he had learned an invaluable lesson, and stored up pregnant experience for use in future efforts to grapple with the same vital issues. With Warren the failure of communism was simply a reason for trying another plan of attack upon the existing institutions of society. Like Owen, he never doubted that the "emancipation of man" was possible, and human happiness only a question of suitable social adjustment and the application of what he deemed to be right principles.

Chief among the causes which, in Warren's mind, led to disaster at New Harmony, were the suppression of individuality, the lack of initiative, and the absence of personal responsibility. When everything was decided by authority, or by the will of the majority, each was prone to ascribe the faults of the system to the shortcomings of his neighbors. These defects Warren believed to be inseparable from any social scheme based upon government and community of goods. Even under the most favorable conditions failure would in the long run be assured. He concluded, therefore, that the basis of all future reform must be complete individual liberty. Every one should be free to dispose of his person, his property, his time, and his reputation as he pleases—but always at his own cost; this qualification of the principle is inseparable from it, the core, as it were, of fis philosophy

The New Harmony experience had convinced Warren that any theory of reform, however perfect or plausible, should be put to the test before being offered to the world as a remedy for existing evils. To this end, therefore, he undertook his first experiment, the Time store.

On the 18th of May 1827, there was unpretentiously opened at the corner of Fifth and Vine streets in Cincinnati a small country store, conducted on a plan new to commerce. It vas the first Equity store, designed to illustrate and practicalize the cost principle, the germ of the cooperative movement of the future. When the advantages of the store became known, it proved to be the most popular mercantile institution in the city. The people called it the Time store because a clock was used by the merchant to determine the amount of compensation for his service in waiting upon the customers. The storekeeper exchanged his time for an equal amount of the time of those who purchased goods from him. The actual cost of the goods bought was paid for in cash, the labor note of the customer was given to the merchant to pay for his service. It ran something after this fashion: "Due to Josiah Warren, thirty minutes in carpenter work.—John [297] Smith." Here was the application of the principle of labor for labor, the cost principle, in its most primitive form, which was subsequently modified to allow for the different valuations of the various kinds of labor.

The idea of labor notes originated with Robert Owen, but Warren's application of it was original and proved entirely successful. Though at the beginning the Equity store met with scant encouragement, it was but a short while until it taxed all the reformer's time and energies. The merchant on the next corner soon found himself without occupation, and requested Warren to explain to him the method of conducting business on the equity plan. The founder of the movement was only too happy to assist his rival to convert his place into a "Time store," and delighted to see so quickly an instance of what competition could do in enforcing the adoption of more equitable methods of exchange.

Warren's store was a labor exchange where those who had products to sell could dispose of them, provided the goods were in demand, without having to give the lion's share as profit to the middleman. It was also a bureau for labor seeking employment, and thus served to direct the reformer's attention to the long and useless apprenticeships by which the common trades were hedged around. He wished to disprove the need for long terms of industrial servitude, and this desire led to the idea of a cooperative village. Full of enthusiasm for the principles which he was now convinced would solve the deeper economic problems of society, having tried them in regard to the distribution of wealth, he longed to see them applied to its production.

Robert Dale Owen at this period became interested in Warren's plans, but after much waiting, and a visit to New York in 1830, the Cincinnati reformer decided to prepare, unaided, for a village experiment. He set himself to learn many practical arts, including wagon-building, wood and [298] metal working, printing and type-founding. The first village of Equity was commenced in Tuscarawas County, Ohio, and after a two years' trial was abandoned, owing to the malarial and unhealthful condition of the locality. Many interesting experiments in the industrial and practical education of the young were carried out by Warren, which showed that in this field he was a true pioneer, for it is only to-day that his views are finding realization in the manual training-schools and technical institutions for practical education.

The Peaceful Revolutionist, Warren's first periodical, appeared in January, 1833, but survived only a few months. It was a four-page weekly of conspicuously neat typography, and was devoted to expositions of the principles of equity. So primitive at the time were his resources, and so marvelous his skill and ingenuity, that the plates from which the paper was printed were cast over the tire of the same stove at which the wife cooked the family meals. The printing-press he used was his own invention, and with his own hands he made type-molds, cast the type and the stereo-plates, built the press, wrote the articles, set them up, and printed off the sheets.

The years prior to 1842 were devoted mainly to mechanical pursuits and printing inventions. About 1840 Warren constructed the first press that was ever used to print newspapers from a roll. The following description of this mechanism is from an editorial which appeared February 28, 1840, in an Evansville paper:

"The first number of the Southwestern Sentinel is the first newspaper probably in the world which was ever printed on a continuous sheet. Our press or printing machinery is the invention of Mr. Josiah Warren, 0f New Harmony. He has brought a series of experiments extending through fine years to a successful close, and this machine, which he calls his speed press, is one of the results." [299]

Unfortunately the innovation was opposed by the printers, who saw in its labor-saving power a menace to their interests. They deliberately threw the press out of gear at every opportunity, and at length so exasperated the inventor that he came one day to the Sentinel office, had the press hauled away, and deliberately broke it to pieces.

Typographical inventions continued, however, to occupy Warren's attention. His purpose was to extend his stereotyping inventions to all varieties of printing, illustration, and artistic reproduction. His improvements in this field he termed "universal typography."

The Indiana Statesman, of New Harmony, under dates of October 4, 1845, and March 7, 1846, contains flattering accounts of the progress and utility of Warren's inventions. His typographical plates were durable, cheap, and had a smooth, glassy surface, so like stone that the inventor termed them "stone-types." He claimed that the facility with which illustrations could be got up, the rapidity of stereotyping and printing them, together with the durability of the plates, justified the expectation that they would ultimately supersede woodcuts, steel-plate and copper-plate engraving and printing, and lithography. The process included printing in colors, besides a result similar to what is now known as half-tones.

While it is doubtful if Warren ever received an equivalent for his ingenuity, labor, and outlay on these inventions, at which he worked during the larger part of his life, it is certain that his methods were utilized by others, and the world is accordingly the gainer by his improvements. The processes now in use for the finer class of stereotype work are based upon his discoveries. The latter years of his life were devoted to studies and experiments with a view to perfecting his inventions, and his final results, it is believed, were not made known to the world, nor rendered available when death terminated his labors.

The New Harmony Time store was opened in 1842. At [300] first it encountered strong opposition at the hands of interested rivals, but its beneficial influence was soon felt in a fall of retail prices throughout the surrounding country. Of this, his second store experiment, Warren wrote :

"Whatever may be thought of the hopelessness or the unpopularity of reform movements, I will venture to assert that no institution, political, moral, nor religious, ever assumed a more sudden and extensive popularity than the Time store of New Harmony. But it was principally among the poor, the humble, and the downtrodden. None of those who had been accustomed to lead, none who had anything to lead with, offered the least assistance or aid, nor scarcely sympathy, though they did not attempt to deny the soundness of the principles. . . . When all the stores in the surrounding country had come down in their prices to an equilibrium with the Equity store, the custom naturally flowed back again to them, and the next step was to wind up the Time store and commence a village."

Warren next turned his ingenuity to the production in 1844 of an original system of music, denominated by him "Mathematical Notation," designated on scientific principles to accomplish in the representation of harmonic sounds a similar service to that performed by phonography in the representation of the elements of speech. The author printed the bock by his newly perfected universal typography, and, as may still be seen by a copy preserved in the library of the New Harmony Working Men's Institute, it was a beautiful example of his stereotyping process, reproducing his own handwriting in delicate copper-plate. Dr. Mason, a musical authority of that day, admitted the comprehensiveness and simplicity of Warren's musical notation, but believed it would be a hopeless undertaking to attempt to supersede the universally accepted system.

About this period Warren received seven thousand dollars [301] for his stereotyping patents, and such a wave of financial prosperity revived his desire to found another Equity village. For this purpose he secured land near New Harmony, but abandoned it for more favorable prospects in Ohio. The village of Utopia was founded by Warren in 1847 about a mile above Claremont, a Fourierist community which had just then come to grief. Unlike the latter, there was no common ownership of property in Warren's experiments. Each family owned its own lot and house (after it was erected), but the members of the village cooperated in all cases where it was mutually advantageous to do so. Warren's efforts were for those whose only means was their labor force, and his purpose was to demonstrate that such people, with free access to natural resources, could, by exchanging their labor on equitable terms, by means of labor notes, build their own houses, supply their prime necessities, and attain to comfort and prosperity without dependence on capitalists, or any external authority, for the means of life.

Utopia went on progressing in a quiet way for many years. It was the policy of the settlers to avoid publicity, and to refrain from encouraging outsiders to visit or to join them. One of the pioneers, E. G. Cubberly, in October, 1872, while still residing in his original home in Utopia, wrote: "The labor notes put us into a reciprocating society—the result was, in two years twelve families found themselves with homes who never owned homes before. . . . Labor-capital did it. I built a brick cottage, one-and-a-half stories high, and all the money I paid out was nine dollars and eighty-one cents—all the rest was effected by exchanging labor for labor. Mr. Warren is right, and the way to get back as much labor as we give is by the labor cost prices; money prices, with no principle to guide, have always deceived us."

It may naturally be asked what became of the village. Why did equity villages not multiply? Why did the pioneers [302] keep from the public as far as possible all information concerning them? To such questions no satisfactory answer in a few words can be given. Owing to the high price of the surrounding land, most of the settlers, after about four years, moved from Utopia into Minnesota, where land was cheap and abundant.

Leaving the scenes of his labors in Ohio and Indiana, Warren in 1850 visited New York and Boston, and, by means of a quiet propaganda, succeeded in around the interest of many earnest people in the individualistic form of cooperation advocated by him. He met the brilliant writer and reformer, Stephen Pearl Andrews, who henceforth became Warren's most ardent disciple, and the literary exponent of equity. Andrews' Science of Society, an exposition of the sovereignty of the individual, and cost the limit of price, has probably done more toward calling the attention of independent thinkers and reformers to Warren's philosophy than anything ever put forth by himself, and is by far the ablest statement of the "principles" which has yet appeared.

As a result of Warren's activity the Village of Modern Times was founded in 1851. The site was on Long Island, forty miles by railroad from New York City. The soil was considered worthless, but this did not deter the enthusiasts of equity. They came by ones and twos, and gradually began to clear the ground for market-gardens, meanwhile building themselves houses of such pretensions as their limited resources permitted. About a hundred souls had settled on the ground when the New York Tribune began to feature the colony and create a publicity as undesirable to the settle as it proved to be annoying. The newspaper notices brought many visitors, some to stay, mostly ignorant of the ideas on which the village was founded. True to their principles, which allowed equal rights to all in natural opportunities, the pioneers refrained from taking any steps to exclude the newcomers, [303] so long as they did not invade the rights of others. This devotion to principle had, however, its drawbacks, though in the end it proved a self-corrective. One man began to advocate plurality of wives, and started a paper to support. his views. Another believed clothing to be a superfluity and not only personally practised his Adamic vagaries but inflicted them upon his helpless children. A woman who would not have passed for a model of physical perfection, displayed herself in male attire, which gave rise to the newspaper comment that "the women of Modem Times dressed in men's clothes and looked hideous." Still another woman had the diet mania so severely that, after trying to live on beans without salt until reduced almost to a skeleton, she died within a year. Whereupon the newspapers declared: "The people of Modem Times are killing themselves with fanatical ideas about food." These were some of the burdens the real settlers had to bear because they acted on the non-invasive principle, and accorded liberty to do even the silliest things, believing that experience, and the application of personal responsibility in allowing things to be done at each one's own cost, would work the surest and most effectual cure.

Despite the persistent misrepresentations and the withering slanders to which the colony was subjected during its earlier years, the pioneers prospered. But after reaping so much of the undesirable fruits of notoriety, the name was changed to Brentwood, under which appellation it is still known.

Writing to an English friend in 1857, one of the settlers, Edward Linton, asks: "You have been here, sir, and I ask you, considering the natural obstacles to overcome, if you ever saw greater material success attained in. so short a time by the same number of people without capital, and with only their hands and brains to operate with, under ah the disadvantages of habits formed by a false education and training. . . . And as it regards individual [304] and social happiness and the entire absence of vice and crime, I am confident this settlement can not be equaled. This is, emphatically, the school of life. It is what has been learned here, infinitely more than what has been done, that constitutes what I consider the greatest success of the settlement. What has not been done is, I think, of far more consequence than what has been done.

I would rather that my children would live here and have the advantages of the society and practical lessons taught here, than for them to have what is called an education in the best institutions of learning in the world."

Linton's tribute to Warren in the same letter can not be omitted: "But whether I ever live to see the practical realization of the principles or not, here or elsewhere, I never can feel sufficiently grateful to the unostentatious man whose remarkable and peculiar constitution of mind enabled him to discover the most subtle and sublime truths ever made known to man for his self-government and the regulation of his intercourse with his neighbors. In my own person and in my own domestic affairs I have been incalculably benefited."

Broad avenues, tree-shaded streets, pretty cottages surrounded by strawberry-beds and well-tiled gardens, formed the outward appearance of Modem Times. The occupants were honest, industrious, and had learned to mind their own business, while readily cooperating with their neighbors for mutual advantage. They were free from sectarian dissensions, law-courts, jails, rumshops, prostitutes, and crime. No one acquired wealth save by his own industry. Long afterward the people who lived there during the years that the principles of equity were the only law among citizens, looked back with regret mingled with pleasure on those pioneer days of effort to achieve a higher social ideal.

It should be remembered that the equity villages did [305] not fail in the sense that New Harmony, Brook Farm, and numerous other similar experiments failed. The Modem Timers had no trouble over property or forms of government. Each owned his house and land, and by mutual understanding political or civic authority was dispensed with. None felt responsible for the failure of his neighbors, and only aggressive or invasive action was resented by combined action. The panic of 1857, which in New York City alone threw upward of twenty thousand people suddenly out of work, shattered a manufacturing enterprise that had been successfully begun in Modem Times. Before the effects of the ensuing industrial depression had cleared away, the country was in the throes of civil war, and all hope of success was for the time dissipated.

In July, 1854, while living at Modem Times, Warren began the publication of his Periodical Letters, a record of the movement and further exposition of the principles, which were issued with more or less regularity until the end of 1858. He spent the winter of 1855-'56 visiting his old friends in Ohio and Indiana. After 1860 he returned no more to the Long Island village.

The reformer's activity declined with advancing age. Several years were spent quietly at Cliftondale, near Boston, and in 1873 he went to reside with his friends, the Heywoods, in their home at Princeton, Massachusetts. Here he wrote and printed his last production, Part III, of the True Civilization series, giving "practical applications" and the "facts and conclusions of forty-seven years' study and experiments in reform movements through communism to elementary principles found in a direction opposite to and away from communism, but leading directly to all the harmonic results aimed at by communism." Equitable Commerce, his first book, containing practically all his views, was first published in 1846, and was several times reprinted. [306]

The last months of Warren's life were passed in Boston at the house of his early friend, Edward Linton, where he was cared for in his last illness by kindly hands. Kate Metcalf, one of the pioneers of Modem Times, nursed him to the end, which came on April 14, 1874.



[1] This chapter is the contribution of Mr. William Bailie, of Boston, who has made a searching study of the life and services of Josiah Warren, and is the best informed authority on the philosophy of that remarkable man.

State Of Things in 1833 [on the Peaceful Revolutionist]

"State Of Things in 1833," Reformer and Christian, 13, 3 (Apr 1833), 34.

STATE OF THINGS IN 1833.

A paper has been commenced in Cincinnati, Ohio, entitled "The Peaceful Revolutionist." The following extract will serve to show the views of the editor.

“The present state of society, whether we look at home or abroad, is that of general agitation and confusion.

“Confidence in Legislators is rapidly diminishing.

“Every government in the civilized world is tottering: and society like a ship in a dark tom pest is torn and tossed by contending elements—the power of men at the helm sinks into the weakness of babes—our shattered fabric is no longer manageable, and we are evidently drifting towards same unknown destination.

“From one end of society to the other we hear the clash of revolution, and the watchword is Liberty! Liberty! Liberty! There is a chord in every human breast that vibrates with the sacred sound, but alas! only with the sound.

“Where is liberty in practice?—Where is it understood? Where does any organization of society permit its existence?

“Revolution has succeeded revolution; change succeeded change; age has succeeded age in struggles for Liberty. Liberty! has been the battle cry, and Liberty! the last sound that hung upon the dying martyr’s lips—yet, liberty still is but a sound.

“It refers to no condition in civilized life; it has no archetype in society: but like sweet music in the death of night, it bursts upon the car, and enchants the soul only to die away, leaving us nothing but the memory of a departed sound.

"But, Liberty is the vital principle of human happiness, and human nature seeks its level; and society can never knout peace until its members know Liberty.

“But it can never be realised under any organization of society now known to us—nor can it be attained upon any of the principles upon which society is now acting.

“Whether the theories of society are ever to be put in practice—whether justice is ever to take up its abode among us—whether Liberty is ever to be understood and enjoyed in society, are questions which yet remain to be determined.”

Remarks on the foregoing.

The only government that can establish liberty on a true basis, and render mankind happy, is that of the stone mentioned in Daniel, cut out without hands. This government will ere long begin, and will break in pieces and consume all other kingdoms, and stand forever. The turmoils and commotions that are now beginning in the world, will prepare the way for that divine government which will be without any imperfection, and extend over the whole earth.

Sunday, May 20, 2007

Frances Wright, Wealth and Money - Pt. 1

Frances Wright, "Wealth and Money," Free Enquirer, 2, 48 (September 15, 1830), 382.
EDITORIAL.
NEW YORK,
SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 25, 1830.
[The following article, the first of a course of numbers which my sister editor intends to supply to our readers, was written on board of the vessel while clearing out of the bay. She has forwarded to me by the last arrivals several numbers in continuation.] R. D. O.
WEALTH AND MONEY.
No. 1.
What mean those bits of stamped gold and silver,
And graven notes issued by chartered bankers?
What are they? Of what use? By what right issued?
What use? They buy the earth, and all thing on it.
Buy men and sell them too. By what right issued?—
When usurpation dropt the sword through fear,
He put them forth as wealth, and called on law
To sanctify the cheat.
Economy of human life. New Edition.

Were not the organization of society such— if the term organization can be employed where all order and design seem wanting— were it not such as to throw all man’s interests into opposition, how easily might the interests of all be secured! Where there is a scramble there must be both confusion and bad feeling; and what is there on the face of the globe but scramble; and, as all the world knows, but confusion and bad feeling? Well! but as this is every where, and has been, so far as our records extend, through all time, what hope or what possibility is there that it should ever be otherwise! Much hope, and as we deem, every possibility. Because error has prevailed to this hour, it does not follow flint it must prevail for ever; because the fogs of ignorance take long to dispel, we are not to assert that the sun of knowledge cannot dissipate them. Experience supplies every argument to the contrary. Errors are less numerous, certainly less terrible, than they have been; ignorance, if still wide-spread, is light and transparent to that of past ages. And see we not, in every science, that a new and ever accelerating ratio of progress is apparent? See we not also, that there is, in each, some first principles, slow to be discovered, but which, when once distinguished, give the clue to the labyrinth, dissipate every difficulty and render advance safe, easy and agreeable. Why should we deem that the restless curiosity and eagle-eyed intelligence of man must be dead and blind only in the path of his own happiness? They have been so to this hour. But are there no first principles now developing, by which, in the path of morals, he may reach at truth as he has in chemistry or mechanics? We think so. We think man is even now distinguishing that his worst sufferings spring out of a few errors, no ways difficult to rectify, and that his happiness must be secured by a few arrangements, simple in their nature, but omnipotent in their consequences. Two present themselves at the first glance as indispensable—general, universal and industrial education; and an improved circulating medium, that should be in truth and fact, what money now only pretends to be—the fair representative and not the substance of wealth.
Of these two great rectifiers of existing evils the latter will be a result of the farmer; but, although until all are producers (of something or another useful and in common demand, whether by operative or intellectual labor) we cannot all be interested, equally and evidently, in creating an honest representative of human productions, still we conceive that the two must and will, more or less, be developed together, and work in unison towards the reform of society.
Before engaging in an investigation whose practical importance must strike every thinking mind, I could wish our readers to pose in quiet and calm review the general state of society as existing around us all, and each to consider his own particular situation as one of that mass denominated society.
Is he rich? Does he live upon the hoarded gain of his ancestors or his own? Is he free from all anxiety lest the same should pass away from him? Banks fail and so do states. But, without such convulsions, a thousand accidents may throw him aground when he least expects it, and leave him—to what? That which, perhaps, he never felt, but which he may see every day if he cast his eyes around him—poverty, with every evil in its train.
Stands he high in some learned profession? Is he popular? fashionable? successful? Have not others been the same and closed their eyes in a prison?
Is he in good business? Does he drive a thriving trade? How long may fortune favor him? How soon may one false calculation interrupt his prosperity, or competition reduce his gains to a cypher?
Is he a hard-working man and in good employment? On what security holds he the continuance of his hard-earned daily bread? May not laborers multiply, the demand for labor decrease, or the price of labor full? Let each and all run through the past, present and possible future chances of their condition and answer to themselves if they have been, are or have the prospect of being, without care?
This question, it is taken for granted, will be soon answered. Let the reader next seek the causes of this insecurity, and (to put him on the scent) let him examine if it depend not on the nature of money, the mode of its tenure and the fluctuations to which it renders every thing liable?
He must suppose, however, that money was not intended to produce but to prevent fluctuations. It was intended, we may reasonably admit, to supply a universal standard—a fair and fixed estimate, to which the value of all articles might be referred, and by which their real value might be known at a glance; by means of which also wealth might be distributed over the earth, and a fair equivalent for the wealth so distributed secured to its owner.
Has money produced these results?
Before the answer can be supplied, two preliminary questions present themselves.
What is wealth?
And who are its owners?
F. W.
[To be continued.]

Thursday, May 17, 2007

Josiah Warren, Reply to E. C.

J. W., "Reply to E. C.," Free Enquirer, 2, 42 (Aug 14, 1830), 332.

For the Free Enquirer.

REPLY TO E. C.

It gives me much pleasure to answer any objections or enquiries which, like the above, are made in the spirit of honesty and candor; and I wail endeavor to do so as far as experience has furnished me with the power; but further than this, (as it would be merely theoretical) T should prefer to leave to future experiment.

You ask for the detail of our practice in Cincinnati, or an, answer to several questions or objections proposed. You must be aware that, as the exchange of labor is the basis of society, a delineation in detail of all its ramifications must be the work of time and well-chosen opportunity: besides, I might, in so doing, weary you with a perusal of ideas already familiar, and omit those which most require illustration, or proof. This view of the subject induces me rather to answer objections or enquiries as they may arise, so that when they cease to be offered, the subject may be considered sufficiently explained.

Objection 1. The shoemaker feared that the Magazine would require a larger stock than his capital could furnish, and that a large assortment to suit all tastes would depreciate by lying on shelves. Answer. This was obviated with us by making only such as the demand called for; which demand was made known at the Magazine by a report for that purpose.

Objection 2. "One could work only eight months in the year at his trade, and therefore could not exchange equally with those who would work all the year." Answer. Upon the principle of Equal Exchange, competition is annihilated; therefore all motive to keep each other ignorant for the sake of profit is destroyed, and he who could only work eight months at one branch, would be freely taught by others any other branch at which he could work the remaining four months, and he would pay his teacher only for the time employed in teaching him. In this manner we have had printing, shoemaking, tayloring, blacksmithing, and some other branches, in a few hours or days, put within the reach of those who, by the common practice of serving seven years apprenticeship, had been induced to suppose they were too old, or too young, or too dull, to learn to be useful.

Objection 3. "One said that his tools coat more than those of another trade" &c—Answer. The wear and tear of tools, machinery, shop-rent, &c. is estimated as so much labor consumed in the production of the articles, and adds so much to their prices.

J. W.

Equal Exchange of Labor - July 17, 1830

"Equal Exchange of Labor," New York Sentinel and Working Man's Advocate, 1, 44 (July 17, 1830), 1.

---. The Free Enquirer, 2, 39 (July 17, 1830), 308.

Equal Exchange of Labor.—In conversing lately with a gentleman from Ohio, our attention has been called to a principle which has been partially carried into effect, our informant tells us, in the city of Cincinnati—viz: the Equal Exchange of Labor.

This expression did not at first convey to us, and probably will not to many of our readers, any very distinct or definite idea. But further explanation threw more light on the subject; and, without expressing any decided opinion on the practicability or probable effects of the principle in question, we think it, at least, well worthy of careful examination.

We have already given our reasons for the opinion, that any system of reform based on a community of goods, is not calculated, (at the present time at least,) to afford relief from the oppression of riches and the degradation of poverty. It tends, indeed, to equality, but it tends also, to a curtailment of human liberty; and it demands a sacrifice not only of individual interests, but of individual independence, which in the present generation, would probably lead to idleness and consequent dissatisfaction, and in any generation, might be found to impose an unnecessary and injurious restraint on the feelings, pursuits, occupations and tastes of the individual.

Such is our opinion of the Community System, as it has been called. We cannot perceive that it is practicable.—We wish we could; for it has much that is in accordance with the best feelings of our nature, and much that is attractive to the friends of equal liberty to recommend it. But we do not see its practicability; nor do we see, that, if practicable, it would leave sufficient scope for the free exercise of those varieties of individual character, which give to society much of its pleasure and interest.

The principle advocated by our Cincinnati informant seem to us, (from a cursory view of it,) at once more practicable, and more in accordance with the spirit of individual freedom. He proposes no association, no society, no general rules to apply to all characters, however dissimilar, and to all tastes, however opposed. He proposes only, that, by gradual and voluntary consent, men should agree, in all their commercial intercourse with each other, to buy, sell, barter or exchange, on the principle of labor for equal labor.

Thus, if any article, say a pair of shoes of a given quality, require the expense of (raw material included) say, ten hours labor of an average workman, that pair of shoes should be worth—not two dollars one day and perhaps three dollars the next, just as the market may rise or fall—but worth ten hours; and should be exchanged (among those of course, who may feel the justice of the principle, and agree to follow it out in practice,) for any other article requiring, on an average, the same number of hours to produce it.

Thus all articles would be estimated by time, not by money, silver and gold among the number.

This plan proposes the making out of a list of all the staple articles of consumption, estimating their cost in time, and affixing that time cost as their real value. If, to produce the article, much preparation (in the form of apprenticeship, college education, &c.) be indispensable, justice points out that this preparation, (as involving loss of time) should be taken into account, in making out these estimates. Our informant thinks however, that as the mysteries of all professions have hitherto greatly exaggerated the difficulties of acquiring them, the above would form but a small item in the sums total.

Our first objection to this plan was—but we will throw our objections and the gentleman’s replies into dialogue form, preserving, as near as we recollect, the exact substance of the conversation.

Objector. This proposal of yours offers no reward for superior skill and industry.

Informant. I beg your pardon. It offers the just reward for both. If a man succeeds in making, in two hours, a pair of shoes as good as another makes in twelve, he receives double for his skill and industry. If the shoes sell for ten hours, he receives ten hours for six, while his less industrious or less skilful neighbor receives only ten hours for twelve.

Objector. But, at least, you provide no adequate reward for genius and intellectual attainments

Informant. These would find their own value. Genius is seldom avaricious; and it is not a monied reward which gives the spur to the higher order of intellectual powers. It is true, that lawyers might not be able to make it appear that two hours head-work beside a desk deserves the same reward as twenty or two hundred hours of the laborer in the corn-field: but there would be no great harm in that.

Objector. But, as the whole is voluntary, a lawyer might ask in the same extravagant proportion as he does now.

Informant. Certainly, he might ask it; but only if he refused to submit to have his labor estimated according to the principle of equal exchange, and, if other men fell into the plan, and he refused to follow their example, it would afford strong presumptive evidence, that his profession is one of unjust extortion.

Objector. There is presumptive of that already.

Informant. True; but it does not sufficiently come home to men’s feelings. If a lawyer charged a thousand hours for a week’s work, while all men know, that a week (day and night included) has only a hundred and sixty-eight hours, the very sound would be startling. I think that the mere habit of so calculating would be of infinite service in producing equality of remuneration for labor.

We had many other objections, some of which lid not appear to us so satisfactorily answered but the length of our article admonishes us to conclude for the present.

E. C. to Josiah Warren - on equal exchange of labor

E. C. [communication], The Free Enquirer, 2, 42 (August 14, 1830), 332.

For the Free Enquirer.

Messrs. Editors

Your correspondent J. W. has touched upon a subject which has often occupied my thought within the last six months, namely, the exchange of labor for labor on the principle of equal rights. I am thoroughly satisfied, that if the direct exchange of labor for labor were generally put into practice, the means of obtaining the necessaries and even the luxuries of life, would be made so easy that few or none would resort to dishonest measures. want, or the fear of want, to ourselves or our children often tempts, and sometimes impels, men to resort to immoral means of obtaining riches.

A society was forming last spring, in this city, for beneficial purposes. I endeavored to draw the attention of their committee to this subject, and attempted to give an outline of the advantages they might derive from it, but it was objected to by them, on these grounds; one said, "I keep a boot and shoe store; in order to fit every foot, and suit every notion of the members, it would be necessary to supply their store with as large an assortment as I keep in my own, which would be inconvenient as to capital, and the goods would damage by lying on the shelves." Another said, he could not work at his business over eight months in the year, consequently he should not be willing to exchange time for equal time with another who could work twelve. Another objected; his tools cost some $200 or $300, and therefore he could not think of exchanging labor for labor with the tailor whose tools cost only $5. Such were the objections made; and as the subject was new to me (having read nothing, nor conversed with any one acquainted with it) I had to attempt to "feel a path through the surrounding darkness," as I might; my ideas therefore being very crude, I failed to make the thing interesting to them, from the want of sufficient clearness in my explanation; still, I was satisfied that if the exchange of labor for labor could be put into operation, it would be found exceedingly beneficial, not only to the producing classes, but also, in the event, to those who are now the distributing classes.

If any thing had been wanting to convince me of the benefits to be derived from a direct exchange of labor, the following answers to two questions put by myself to a farmer a few days since, were sufficient to produce that conviction. “What do you get for butter? Answer: “10 cents a pound. What do you give for soap?” Answer: “12 cents.” The farmer then asked; “what do you get for soap?" Answer: “5 cents; what do you give for butter? Answer: “15 cents.”

Is it not evident that in this small exchange of a pound of soap for a pound of butter and vice versa, they lost 12 cents, and the go-between made the sum of twelve cents. The manufacturer gets for his labor, on the pound of soap at five cents only half a cent, while the farmer pays an addition to the cot of the raw material of which the soap is made 9 1-2 cents and the other gets only one fifteenth of it: consequently he loses fourteen fifteenths of his labor. The butter cost the farmer in expenses, say fine cents, in this case he loses four fifths of his labor. The difference on other goods may be less, or more; whether more or less, it ought to be sufficient to rouse the producing classes from their lethargy into enquiry. When their thoughts shall have been directed to this subject, they will soon begin to enquire “what shall we do to be saved” from this loss of labor?

If your correspondent will go into details of the practice of the friends of reform in Cincinnati, or otherwise answer the above objections, he will render a benefit to society, and also much oblige

E. C.

A Working Man - on Equal Exchange of Labor

"A Working Man," [communication], New York Sentinel and Working Man's Advocate, 1, 51 (August, 11, 1830), 1.

FOR THE NEW-YORK DAILY SENTINEL.

Messrs. Editors:—In one of your late Nos. you had an article on, in my opinion, one of the most important subjects that can occupy the thoughts or man, namely, the exchange of labor for labor. This is a subject which has engaged my thoughts, more than a little, for some months, and I long since came to these conclusions, that industry can never be fully rewarded but by a direct exchange, conducted on the principle of equal rights; and that if such a mode of doing business were generally put into practice, it would be the means of almost annihilating vice, since it is well known that many of our vices arise from the desire of amassing wealth, by which, we hope to save ourselves’ and our children from want, and to obtain that respect in society which is, unfortunately, accorded to the wealthy, however dishonestly they may have acquired their riches, and is too often withheld from the honestly industrious.

Who are they that create all the wealth in the world? The farmer, the manufacturer, and the mechanic. Who enjoy the least of it? Those who do the labor, and ought therefore to be richest.—How are they deprived of their just reward? By their ignorance they allow, and even assist, the speculating thousands to fleece them of their earnings: There are the wholesalers, and the retailers; the bankers and the brokers; the carriers to and fro, and the innumerable et ceteras, all adding to the cost without increasing the value; to do away with all these go-betweens, they ought so to locale themselves as that every man may dispose of his own productions directly to the consumer.

What should we think of that large family, or of that small colony, who, having the means of producing all their wishes could desire by the four or five hours daily labor of each individual, were foolishly persuaded by a part, to work 12 or 14 hours a day, and suffer a thousand corroding cares, leading to vice, and sometimes enduring want; and all this in order to allow a part of their society to live in idleness and wallow in luxury? Should we not think they were worse titan idiots? Yet equally foolish are the producing classes of all countries; in this country, however, they are beginning to open their eyes and to see that “all is not gold that glitters."

If to enjoy abundance through life be the desire of men, they can have it by three or four hours daily labor, on the principle of labor for labor; and it is only so much exercise as is necessary to health; and when put into practice there will no longer be seen, or seen only as the monuments of folly, the rich man’s palace and the poor man’s hovel, for every man may, if industrious, have a handsome house and beautifully furnished. If to enjoy all these comforts and also to hoard up “the root of ail evil,” or in other words, to put a viper in their own bosom, be the desire of the productive part of society, let them still exchange labor for labor, at home, as before, but in addition work six or eight hours a day more; they will then produce two or three times more than they can consume, which they can sell to any foreign country that will buy it, and as it may all be considered gain, so they may undersell even the English in their own ports.

In order to convince your readers of the benefits to ho derived from a direct exchange of labor, I will relate a short dialogue which took place lately between myself and a farmer.

Myself—What do you get for butter? Ans. 10 cents per lb. What do you give for soap? Ans. 12 cents per lb.

Farmer—What do you give for butter? Ans. 15 cents per lb. What do you get for soap? Ans. 5 cents per lb.

Here we discover that in the exchange of a lb. of butter for a lb. of soap and vice versa, the Farmer lot 5 cents, and the manufacturer 7: if the manufacturer makes only ½ cent on the soap at 5 cents, then, in this case, he lost 14-l5ths of his labor. If we suppose the butter to have coat the farmer, in expenses, 3 cents per lb., there remains 2 only for his labor, in this case, he loses 5-7ths of his labor. If the producing part of society were generally to make similar enquiries to the above, they would soon put an end to all speculation, or, as it may be called, roguery: and having done that, they would not need to petition the legislature for “Universal Education," they would have the means of education in their own houses; and the tables would be so completely turned on the non-productive, that they might have to become the petitioners, and the others be, in estimation, what they are now in reality, the nobility of the land.

A WORKING MAN

Wednesday, May 16, 2007

Josiah Warren and Equitable Commerce: A Bibliography

Josiah Warren and Equitable Commerce: A Bibliography

[A regularly updated version of this bibliography is available
in the Libertarian Labyrinth archive.]

[1821.01] "Weekly Summary," The Plough Boy, and Journal of the Board of Agriculture, 2, 52 (May 26, 1821), 415.
Josiah Warren, "Explanation of the Design and Arrangements of the Cooperative Magazine which has Recently Been Commenced, Western Tiller, 8 communications from June 1 to July 27, 1827, signed "A Late Member of New Harmony." [Also appears as "To Friends of the Social System. [CINCI]
Philanthropos, "Time-Magazine," Saturday Evening Chronicle
---, ---," New Harmony Gazette, Dec. 26, 1827. Vol. 3, No. 12, p. 94.
Josiah Warren, "A Letter from Josiah Warren," Mechanics Free Press (May 10, 1828), 2. [CINCI]
J. W., [letter on Robert Owen], The March of Mind, 1828. [CINCI]
J. W., "From 'The March of Mind'," New Harmony Gazette (Sep 10, 1828, p. 365) [reprint of article above]
Josiah Warren, "Time System for Labor Exchange," Western Tiller (5 articles) ­ Sept/Oct 1828. [CINCI]
[1830.01] Josiah Warren, Reduction in the Cost of Printing Apparatus, Cincinnati: Warren, Josiah, firm, 1830 [broadside. 34 x 11 cm.]
[1830.02] ---, ---, The Free Enquirer, 2, 20 (March 13, 1830), 157.
J. W., "To the Friends of the Equal Exchange of Labor in the West," Free Enquirer, 2 (July 17, 1830), 301-2.
J. W., "Improvement in the Machinery of Law," The Free Enquirer, 2, 38 (July 17, 1830), 300. [Josiah Warren?]
"Equal Exchange of Labor," New York Sentinel and Working Man's Advocate, 1, 44 (July 17, 1830), 1.
---. The Free Enquirer, 2, 39 (July 17, 1830), 308.
"A Working Man," [on equal exchange of labor], New York Sentinel and Working Man's Advocate, 1, 51 (August, 11, 1830), 1. [note: compare with next item]
E. C. [communication], The Free Enquirer, 2, 42 (August 14, 1830), 332.
J. W., "Reply to E. C.," Free Enquirer, 2, 42 (Aug 14, 1830), 332.
J. W., "Social Experiment," Free Enquirer, 3, 18 (February 16, 1831), 137.
Workingman's Advocate: Warren listed as agent:
Apr 28, 1832-May 25, 1833: Cincinnati (w/ James Underwood)
June 1, 1833-Sep 12, 1835: Tuscarawas
[1833.1] Josiah Warren, ed., Peaceful revolutionist, Cincinnati, Ohio: Peaceful revolutionist, 1833-1848 [Monthly; Vol. 1, no. 1 (Jan. 1833)-v. 1, no. 4 (Apr. 5, 1833); v. 2, no. 1 (May 1848).] [partial contents]
  • Vol. 1, no. 1 (Jan. 1833)
  • Vol. 1, no. 2 (Feb. 5, 1833)
  • Vol. 1, no. 3
  • Vol. 1, no. 4 (Apr. 5, 1833)
  • Vol. 2, no. 1 (May 1848) [Indiana Historical Society]
  • ?, ? "A Brief Outline of Equitable Commerce," Boston Investigator, 21, 52 (April 28, 1852), 4. [note: from The Peaceful Revolutionist]
J. W., "Written on Hearing of the Death of Camilla Wright," Free Enquirer, 5, 18 (February 23, 1833), 144. [poem]
[1833.03] "State Of Things in 1833," Reformer and Christian, 13, 3 (Apr 1833), 34.
[1836.1] Josiah Warren, Introduction to a new printing apparatus, adapted to the wants and capacities of private citizens. Trenton, Tuscarawas County, Ohio : Josiah Warren, 1836.
[1841.1] Josiah Warren, Manifesto, New Harmony, Ind.: J. Warren, 1841.
Josiah Warren, Herald of Equity, Cincinnati – 1841
Labor Prices broadside – 1842
Gazette of Equitable Commerce, vol. 1 no. 2, dated New Harmony September 1842, 8 pp.. Pretty familiar stuff on the Time Store, EC etc.
[1843.1] Josiah Warren, A new system of notation: intended to promote the more general cultivation & more just performance of music, New Harmony, Ind.] : Warren, 1843.
[1844] Josiah Warren, Letter on equitable commerce, New Harmony, Ind. : Warren's Amateur Print., 1844. [16p. Caption title and some of text in letter press; remainder of text in engraving or stereotyping to reproduce Warren's handwriting./ Letter, addressed to G. Soward, Hopedale, Milford, Mass., dated New Harmony, Ia., Feb. 1844. Imprint, Warren's Amateur Print., at end of text. Ind. Hist. soc.]
A Collection of the Most Popular Church Music Written Upon Geometric or Scientific Principles (New Harmony), 1844.
1845-6: contributions to the Indiana Statesman, New Harmony (Feb 1 1845; March 7 1846); and a series of engravings: July 4; Aug 16; Oct 11; Dec 27 1845; Jan 31; Feb 14, 1846.
[1846.1] Josiah Warren, Equitable commerce: a new development of principles, as substitutes for laws and governments. Proposed as elements of new society. New Harmony, Ind., 1846. [OLINK]
[1846.2] "A New System of Notation," American Journal of Music and Musical Visitor, 4, 19 (Feb 16, 1846), 47.
Josiah Warren, "Improvement in Compositions for Stereotype-Plates," US Patent #4479, April 25, 1849.
[1846.4] "A List of Patents Issued from the 14th March to 11th April, 1846," Scientific American, 1, 49 (August 27), 1846, 1. ["To Josiah Warren, of New Harmony, Ind., for improvement in composition of stereotype-plates: patented 25th April."]
[1847.1] John Pickering, The working man's political economy: founded upon the principle of immutable justice and the inalienable rights of man; designed for the promotor of national reform. Cincinnati : Stereotyped in Warren's new patent method by Thomas Varney, 1847. [OLINK]
[1849] Josiah Warren, Equitable commerce : a new development of principles, for the harmoneous adjustment and regulation of the pecuniary, intellectual, and moral intercourse of mankind : proposed as elements of new society. Second edition. Utopia, Ohio : Published by Amos E. Senter, 1849. [GOOGLE]
"Lecture by Josiah Warren," Boston Investigator, 18, 37 (January 17, 1849), 3.
"The People's Sunday Meeting," Boston Investigator, 18, 37 (January 17, 1849), 3.
---, Boston Investigator, 18, 38 (January 24, 1849), 3.
---, Boston Investigator, 18, 39 (January 31, 1849), 3.
---, Boston Investigator, 18, 40 (February 7, 1849), 3.
---, Boston Investigator, 18, 41 (February 14, 1849), 3.
---, Boston Investigator, 18, 42 (February 21, 1849), 3.
"Mr. Warren's Lecture," Boston Investigator, 18, 38 (January 24, 1849), 3.
[notice], Boston Investigator, 18, 39 (January 24, 1849), 3.
[notice], Boston Investigator, 18, 40 (February 7, 1849), 3.
[notice], Boston Investigator, 18, 41 (February 14, 1849), 3.
[notice], Boston Investigator, 18, 42 (February 21, 1849), 3.
"People's Sunday Meeting," Boston Investigator, 18, 43 (February 28, 1849), 3.
"The People's Sunday Meeting," Boston Investigator, 18, 43 (February 28, 1849), 3.
---, Boston Investigator, 18, 46 (March 21, 1849), 3.
"People's Sunday Meeting," Boston Investigator, 18, 44 (March 7, 1849), 3.
"Equitable Commerce," Boston Investigator, 18, 44 (March 7, 1849), 3.
"The People's Sunday Meeting," Boston Investigator, 18, 44 (March 7, 1849), 3.
[advertisement], Boston Investigator, 18, 44 (March 7, 1849), 3.
---, Boston Investigator, 18, 45 (March 14, 1849), 3.
"People's Sunday Meeting," Boston Investigator, 18, 45 (March 14, 1849), 3.
"People's Sunday Meeting," Boston Investigator, 18, 46 (March 21, 1849), 3.
"Equitable Commerce," Boston Investigator, 18, 49 (April 11, 1849), 3.
"Equitable Commerce," Boston Investigator, 19, 2 (May 16, 1849), 2.
[notice], Pittsburgh (Pa.,) National Reformer, May?, 1849. [reprinted in next entry]
[notice], Boston Investigator, 19, 2 (May 16, 1849), 2.
"Equitable Commerce," The Literary Union; a Journal of Progress, in Literature and Education, Religion, 1, 14 (July 7, 1849), 218. [This contains the same extract as Boston Investigator, May 16, 1849, above.]
"Josiah Warren—and 'R. H.'," Boston Investigator, 19, 12 (July 25, 1849), 2.
"Letter from Josiah Warren," Boston Investigator, 19, 21 (September 25, 1849), 3.
[notice], Boston Investigator, 19, 21 (September 25, 1849), 3.
S. P. Andrews, "Phonotypy and Phonography, or Speech-Printing and Speech-Writing," Boston Investigator, 19, 22 (October 3, 1849), 4.
Josiah Warren, "Equitable Commerce. No. II," Boston Investigator, 19, 23 (October 10, 1849), ??.
Josiah Warren, "Equitable Commerce. No. III. What Constitutes the Just Reward of Labor?," Boston Investigator, 19, ?? (October ??, 1849), ??.
Worker, "A few Words about 'What Constitutes the Just Reward of Labor'," Boston Investigator, 19, 28 (November 14, 1849), 1.
Josiah Warren, "Equitable Commerce. No. IV," Boston Investigator, 19, 29 (November 21, 1849), 2.
List of New Publications Received, The Massachusetts Quarterly Review, 9 (December 1849), 158. [Equitable commerce]
M. P. S., "A Letter from Utopia," Boston Investigator, 19, 52 (May 1, 1850), 3.
"Improvement in Printing," Scientific American, 5, 40 (Jun 22, 1850), 316.
[1851.1] "Literary," The Independent, 3, 111 (January 16, 1851), 16.
[1851.2] Stephen Pearl Andrews, "Equitable commerce. Cost, the scientific limit of price," The Merchants' Magazine and Commercial Review, 24, 3 (March 1851), 332.
"To Reformers," Liberator, 21, 37 (September 12, 1851), 147. [advertisement for Science of Society]
---, Liberator, 21, 38 (September 19, 1851), 151.
---, Liberator, 21, 41 (October 10, 1851), 163.
"New Principles of Reform," American Phrenological Journal, 13, 6 (June 1851), 137.
[1852] Josiah Warren and Stephen Pearl Andrews, Equitable Commerce: A New Development Of Principles As Substitutes For Laws And Governments Proposed As Elements Of New Society, New York : Fowlers and Wells, 1852. [pdf]
[1852] Josiah Warren, Practical Details In Equitable Commerce: Showing the Workings, in Actual Experiment, During a Series of Years, of the Social Principles Expounded in the Works Called "Equitable Commerce," by the author of this, and "The Science Of Society, " by Stephen P. Andrews. Volume 1, New York : Fowler and Wells, 1852.
---, ---, New York : Fowler and Wells, 1854. [Labadie Collection]
Peter I. Blacker, "Equitable Villages," The Commonweal, ??, 1852.
Peter I. Blacker, "Equitable Villages," Boston Investigator, 21, 38 (January 21, 1852), 4. [note: from The Commonweal]
Josiah Warren, "A Brief Outline of Equitable Commerce," Boston Investigator, 21, 52 (April 28, 1852), 4. [note: from The Peaceful Revolutionist]
"'Modern Times'—A New City," Boston Investigator, 22, 9 (June 30, 1852), 4. [note: from The New York Sunday Times]
G., "Communism the Only Alternative," The Circular, 1, 39 (August 4, 1852), 154.
"Publications," The Massachusetts Teacher, 5, 10 (October 1852), 319.
Peter I. Blacker, "American Socialism," Boston Investigator, 22, 25 (October 20, 1852), 1.
Peter I. Blacker, "An Outline of Equitable Commerce," Boston Investigator, 22, 36 (January 5, 1853), 1.
["card" relating to Modern Times], New York Tribune, April 4, 1853. [See next entry]
[notice], The Circular, 2, 41 (April 6, 1853), 162.
Edward F. Underhill, "Cost the Limit of Price," Liberator, 23, 41 (October 14, 1853), 164.
Peter I. Blacker, "The Golden Rule," Boston Investigator, 23, 26 (October 26, 1853), 3.
???? 23, 14 (August 3, 1853), 2.
"To Correspondents," "J. T.," Texas.—A letter addressed to Mr. Warren at Modern Times, L. I., Thompson's Station, N. Y., would be sure to reach him.
Positions Defined. Village of Modern Times (leaflet), 1854.
"As Usual!" Boston Investigator, 23, 41 (February 8, 1854), 2.
Josiah Warren, "Explanation," Boston Investigator, 23, 43 (February 22, 1854), 2.
"Paine Celebration at Modern Times, N. Y.," Boston Investigator, 23, 45 (March 8, 1854), 1.
Josiah Warren, Periodical letter on the principles and progress of the equity movement, Thompson P.O., Long Island, N.Y. : Josiah Warren, 1854-?
  • Vol. 1, no. 1 (July 1854)
  • Vol. 1, no. 2
  • Vol. 1, no. 3
  • Vol. 1, no. 4
  • Vol. 1, no. 5
  • Vol. 1, no. 6
  • Vol. 1, no. 7
  • Vol. 1, no. 8 (March, 1855)
  • 2nd series, Vol. 1, No. 1 (Boston, Mass., September, 1856) ["Our institutions, like all others...]
  • 2nd series, Vol. 1, No. 2 [Hollis, Harvard]
  • 2nd series, Vol. 1, No. 3 (1856:Dec.) [Wisc. Hist.]
  • 2nd series, Vol. 1, No. 4
  • 2nd series, Vol. 1, No. 5
  • 2nd series, Vol. 1, No. 6 (Sept.1857) [Hollis, Harvard] [Showing the Practical Applications of the Principles of "Equity."]
  • 2nd series, Vol. 1, No. 7
  • 2nd series, Vol. 1, No. 8
  • 2nd series, Vol. 1, No. 9
  • pt. 3, no. 1 (1873)
Peter I. Blacker, "Individualism Versus Institutionalism," Boston Investigator, 24, 16 (August 16, 1854), 2.
[1855] Equitable Commerce, Boston : s.n., 1855. [ Signed, author of "Equitable Commerce."--P. 4./ Caption title./ Account of New Harmony under Robert Owen and a castigation of Equitable Commerce, issued by the New England Association of Boston, 1855./ Reproduction: Photostat.]
Equitable commerce, a proposal for the abolition of trade by the substitution of equitable exchange, in a series of papers communicated from the spirit-life, Boston, New England Association of Philanthropic Commercialists, 1855. [36p.]
Peter I. Blacker, "The Government Mania," Boston Investigator, 25, 1 (May 2, 1855), 2.
Peter I. Blacker, "Submission to the Will of the Majority," Boston Investigator, 25, 9 (June 27, 1855), 2.
Peter I. Blacker, "Secret Societies," Boston Investigator, 25, 10 (July 4, 1855), 1.
Common Sense, "The Sovereignty of the Individual," Boston Investigator, 25, 17 (August 22, 1855), 2.
"Equitable Commerce," Liberator, 25, 37 (September 14, 1855), 146.
John Orvis, "Equitable Commerce Association," Liberator, 25, 38 (September 21, 1855), 150.
John Orvis, " Equitable Commerce," Liberator, 25, 39 (September 28, 1855), 154.
"Free Love," The United States Magazine of Science, Art, Manufactures, Agriculture, Commerce and Trade, 22, 6 (November 1855), 204.
William Pare, Equitable Commerce as Practised in the equity villages of the United States of North America: a paper read before the Statistical Section of the British Association at Glasgow, September, 1855, [London] : printed by Harrison and Sons, 1856.
"To Correspondents," Boston Investigator, 25, 48 (March 26, 1856), 3.
"Slavery and Freedom," Southern Quarterly Review, 1, 1 (April 1856), 62.
William Pare, "Equitable Villages in America," Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. 19, No. 2. (Jun., 1856), pp. 127-143.
Peter I. Blacker, "The Perpetuity of the Union," Boston Investigator, 26, 9 (July 25, 1856), 2.
A. C., "Social Reform Movements," Boston Investigator, 1857
"Commerce Tract," [Dual Commerce Association], Boston, July, 1858. [12 pages. Noted in 1859.1.]
[notices of Dual Commerce Association in Boston papers, including Boston Herald, September-October, 1858; store established in basement of Hotel Pelham, under management of T. J. Lewis.]
[1859.1] Dual Commerce Association. The Dual Commerce Association: its Experience, Results, Plans & Prospectus : First Report. Boston, Mass.: Dual Commerce Association, Jan. 1, 1859.
"Dual Commerce Association," The Circular, 8, 4 (February 17, 1859), 4.
"The Unitary Home," The Circular, 8, 12 (April 14, 1859), 4.
[1860] Josiah Warren, Written music remodeled, and invested with the simplicity of an exact science, Boston : J.P. Jewett, 1860.
[1861] Josiah Warren; A. C. Cuddon, The principle of equivalents: a subject of immediate and serious interest to both sexes and all classes of all nations, [Long Island, N.Y.? : Josiah Warren? ; London? : A.C. Cuddon?], 1861 [16 p.]
Josiah Warren, Modern Education. Long Island, NY, 1861. leaflet (2 pp.) dated December, 1861.
Josiah Warren, Modern Government and Its True Mission, a Few Words for the American Crisis. n.p., 1862. signed "A Counsellor," March, 1862.
[1863] Josiah Warren, True civilization an immediate necessity, and the last ground of hope for mankind: being the results and conclusions of thirty-nine years' laborious study and experiments in civilization as it is, and in different enterprises for reconstruction, Boston : J. Warren, 1863.
Josiah Warren, The Emancipation of Labor. Boston, 1864
Josiah Warren, "A Letter to Louis Kossuth," Boston Investigator, 33, 41 (Feb. 17, 1864).
[1865] The Principle of Equivalents. The Most Disagreeable Labor Entitled to the Highest Compensation, n.p., 1865.
Moncure D. Conway, "Modern Times, New York," Littell's Living Age, 30, 1106 (Aug 12, 1865), 244.
[1867] Josiah Warren, ed., The quarterly letter : devoted mainly to showing the practical applications and progress of "equity." Cliftondale, Mass.: Josiah Warren, 1867-
[1869.1] Josiah Warren, The former title of this work was "Equitable Commerce", but it is now ranked as the first part of True Civilization: a subject of vital and serious interest to all people; but most immediately to the men and women of labor and sorrow ... Part 1, Clintondale, Mass., The Author, 1869 4th edition [of Equitable Commerce]
[1869.2] "New England Labor Reform Convention," The Revolution, 3, 3 (January 21, 1869), 1.
[1869.3] Josiah Warren, "Woman and the Money Question," The Revolution, 4, ??
(July ??. 1869), 29.
[1869.2] Truth, "Cause and Effect," The Revolution, 4, 4 (July 29, 1869), 52.
[1869.3] "Labor for Labor," The Revolution, 4, 5 (August 5, 1869), 71.
[1869.2] Josiah Warren, "Superficialities," The Revolution, 4, 6 (August 12, 1869), 83.
[1871.1] E. D. Linton, Political platform for the coming party, Boston : [s.n.], 1871. [10p]
[1871.2] Josiah Warren, Response to the call of the National Labor Union for essays on the following subjects : 1. The specie basis fallacy : 2. Strikes : 3. Co-operation : [etc.] / Boston : [s.n.], 1871. [8p]
Controversy w/Andrews in Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly. July-Sep., 1871
Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, September 9, 1871
Josiah Warren, "The Motives for Communism—How It Worked and What It Led To," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, IV, 14 (February 17, 1872), 6.
Josiah Warren, "The Motives for Communism—How It Worked and What It Led To—Article II," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, IV, 15 (February 24, 1872), 7.
Josiah Warren, "The Motives for Communism—How It Worked and What It Led To—Article III," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, IV, 16 (March 2, 1872), 6.
Josiah Warren, Letter to The American Workman (March 2, 1872).
Josiah Warren, "The Motives for Communism—How It Worked and What It Led To—Article IV," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, IV, 17 (March 16, 1872), 5.
Josiah Warren, "The Motives for Communism—How It Worked and What It Led To—Article V," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, IV, 22 (April 13, 1872), 4.
Josiah Warren, "The Motives for Communism—How It Worked and What It Led To—Article VI," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, IV, 23 (April 20, 1872), 5. [listed as "IV"]
Josiah Warren, "The Motives for Communism—How It Worked and What It Led To—Article VII," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, IV, 23 (April 27, 1872), 4.
Josiah Warren, "The Motives for Communism—How It Worked and What It Led To—Article VIII," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, V, 2 (May 25, 1872), 14.
Josiah Warren, "The Motives for Communism—How It Worked and What It Led To—Article IX," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, V, 5 (June 15, 1872), 3.
Josiah Warren, "The Motives for Communism—How It Worked and What It Led To—Article X," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, V, 19 (April 12, 1873), 3.
Josiah Warren, "The Motives for Communism—How It Worked and What It Led To—Article XI," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, V, 21 (April 26, 1873), 3.
[1873] Josiah Warren, Practical applications of the elementary principles of true civilization to the minute details of every day life : and the facts and conclusions of forty seven years study and experiments in reform movements through Communism to and in elementary principles, Princeton, Mass. : J. Warren, 1873. [NWRD]
Josiah Warren, Letter to E. H. Heywood. Princeton, MA, 1873.
Josiah Warren, Money: The Defects of Money Are the "Roots of All Evil." Charlestown, MA, 1873.
Josiah Warren, "A Few Words to the Pioneers," The Word, (Princeton Mass., July; followed by a series of articles in subsequent issues.
Josiah Warren, "The Cost Principle." Index, 4 (Dec. 11, 1873), pp. 504-5.
Josiah Warren, "Josiah Warren's Last Letter." Index, 5 (Apr. 30, 1874), pp. 207-8.
Josiah Warren, "Labor the Only Ground of Price." Index, 5 (May 28, 1874), pp. 260-1.
letters from E.G. Cubberly in The Word, III (May, 1874), 3; (September, 1874), 3; (June, 1875). 3.
[1875] Josiah Warren; Stephen Pearl Andrews, True civilization; a subject of vital and serious interest to all people; but most immediately to the men and women of labor and sorrow, Princeton, Mass., B.R. Tucker, 1875 5th ed. [of equitable commerce]
J. H. Cook, "Way-Marks," The American Socialist, 3, 31 (August 1, 1878), 246
[1938] Stephen Pearl Andrews, Josiah Warren, The sovereignty of the individual, Berkeley Heights, N.J. : Freeman Press, 1938
[1952] Josiah Warren, Manifesto (a rare and interesting document), Berkeley Heights, N.J., Published & printed by the Oriole Press, 1952