Monday, December 10, 2007

Josiah Warren, Letter to Mechanics' Free Press

(c) A LETTER FROM JOSIAH WARREN
Mechanics' Free Press, May 10, 1828, p. 2, col. 2.

Cincinnati, April 20, 1828.
Dear S-
The perusal of your letter which I received about three weeks since, gave me great satisfaction. It affords me pleasure to find that you still feel such interest in the subject to which I am devoted. You inquire what progress has been made since you left here; to this I could reply more than the limits of a letter will permit, but I will endeavour to enable you to form some idea. I think you left before the cold weather commenced, and therefore have not witnessed the most important [134] of our operations. As soon as the season became cool, there were great demands for cloths of various kinds, which I found no difficulty in procuring. I bought at the public sales on a credit of 60 and 90 days, and very often sold the goods in 6 days, and some in less time. The place now became crowded, although you know that it stands remote from the bustle of business; so much was this the case that I became so exhausted with buying and selling goods, and in talking and explaining that I was obliged to shut up the magazine, half of each day in order to rest from the fatigue and confusion occasioned by the business of the other half. But this produced so much disappointment to the country people & others, that I was induced to open again during the day-time. John Ramsdale, who was with us at Harmony, and who was much opposed to the system at the commencement, has turned his store into a place of the kind, and now fully adopts it. He is the only one who has actually commenced, but many have had it in contemplation. One very important fact, that Messrs. Folger, Nye, Saunders, Pickering, Burgen, Rider, and all those who were so much delighted at first, have not changed their views in the least, except by an increase of zeal in its favour; and many more who knew nothing of it nor had any correct views of the nature of justice between man and man, when you was here have become really enlightened on the all-important subject, and in their intercourse with others are now spreading the honest principle far and wide. The magazine has been enlarged to about double its former dimensions; the work was performed by seven Carpenters, all upon the time system, and by putting my labour against theirs, they have gained at the rates of from ~ to 50 dollars per hour. This would not be believed by any [137] one who had not realized it by some experience, but you have seen something of its results.

I have had Rice at 1 1/4 cents per pound, Codfish at 2 1/2 cents, while the standing prices are 6 1/2 and 8 cents for the former, and 8 for the latter. Medicines as usual. [23] Cloths at about 33 per cent. below the current prices; remarks will be rendered unnecessary by your own reflections upon these facts.

We have commenced shoemaking, and several have perceived the practicability of learning a business which they never thought of before. Mr. Ashworth [24] made a pair of shoes at the first attempt, which none but a critic could perceive were not the production of an experienced workman; and many others have acquired a knowledge of this trade with equal facility. When we require instruction in any part with which we are not acquainted, we obtain it from some of our friends and pay them hour for hour in labour notes on the Magazine. I look upon these movements with great interest, for they are of immense importance to those who are now suffering by mystery and speculation. I can say no more now without incurring double postage, therefore for the present-farewell. Your friend,

JOSIAH WARREN.
MR. ROBERT SMITH, Philadelphia.

23 That is the wholesale prices which varies from one to three hundred per cent. discount on standard retail prices.

24 Mr. A. is a gentleman of between 40 and 50 years of age, who had never before worked at any mechanical avocation.- R. S.

Josiah Warren, Plan of the Cincinnati Labour for Labour Store

3. CO-OPERATION
(a) THE PLAN OF THE CINCINNATI LABOUR FOR LABOUR STORE

Mechanics' Free Press, Aug. 9, 1828, p. I, col. I, 2.

EXPLANATION OF THE DESIGN AND ARRANGEMENTS of the Co-operative Magazine, which has recently been commenced in Cincinnati.

Whoever can for a moment, so far abstract his thoughts from his pecuniary concerns, as to look around him, and observe the evils, which the established laws and customs, with respect to the administration of property, are daily producing in what is called Civilized Society, must, if he is possessed of the least degree of sensibility, feel a strong desire, to remove these evils.

That the inevitable tendency of these Laws and Customs, is to produce Ignorance, Want, and Wretchedness, to the majority of mankind, to the labouring and useful members of Society, we have only to refer to their condition, in those countries where the present arrangements have been longest in operation, and where a full and satisfactory trial of them has been made.

In these countries, abounding with everything that is desirable, we see the labouring and useful members of Society, who have produced every thing, starving in the streets for want; while some are rendered equally miserable from the anxieties of speculation and competition, and others for want of an object worthy of pursuit, are destroying their health, and shortening their lives by inactivity and apathy, or by luxuriously revelling upon the labour of the depressed.

Insincerity among friends, Lawsuits between relations, [125] Hypocrisy in religion - deception in trade - dishonesty, speculation and enmity between man and man, are only a few of the results of these laws and customs.

Nor should we confine our observations to the old world only. Already have we in this country, made alarming progress in the road to national ruin; and unless some effort be made to prevent the accumulation of the wealth of the country, in the hands of a few, we instead of setting to the world an example of republican simplicity, of Peace and Liberty, shall soon add one more to the catalogue of nations, whom aristocracy has blasted, and whom inequality of wealth, has precipitated from a comparatively prosperous situation to the lowest grade of degradation and misery.

Every reflecting mind must perceive the propriety of searching for the means by which these evils may be avoided, and of making every practicable effort (however feeble) to put them in operation.

With these views an experiment has been commenced in this place; which although upon a very small scale, will test the principles upon which it is based. And it will be a very easy and natural step, to make more complete and extensive arrangements whenever it may be desirable.

As this experiment now begins to excite much inquiry; and as it is immediately connected with the greatest interests of all parties, it appears necessary and proper to bring the subject forward in such a form and manner that all may have an opportunity to consider, and to understand it.

It is already known that the method of dealing at this place is different from that in common practice. But it is a few of our friends only, who at present understand in what this difference consists.

It is for the information of inquiries, and for the [126] benefit of those who are desirous of making similar arrangements, that the following statements are made, and in doing this, we shall carefully avoid all comments and matters of opinion, they may in future occupy their proper time and place-at present we wish to make a simple statement of facts, and leave the reader to draw his own conclusions.

By the new arrangements, all Labour is valued by the Time employed in it.

Much might be said to show that, as Time is above all things most valuable, that Time is the real and natural standard of value. But we will not now undertake to prove, that, which (upon reflection) no one will undertake to deny. We will rather proceed to give the arrangements which have been made to carry this principle into effect.

PRESENT ARRANGEMENT OF THE MAGAZINE. Here upon this single and simple principle, all exchanges of articles and personal services are made, so that he who employs five or ten hours of his time, in the service of another, receives five or ten hours labour of the other in return. The estimates of the time cost, of articles having been obtained from those whose business it is to produce them, are always exposed to view, so that it may be readily ascertained, at what rate any article will be given and received. He who deposits an article, which by our estimate costs ten hours labour, receives any other articles, which, together with the labour of the keeper in receiving and delivering them, costs ten hours, or, if the person making the deposit does not wish at that time, to draw out any article, he receives a Labour Note for the amount; with this note he will draw out articles, or obtain the labour of the keeper, whenever he may wish to do so.

In cases where the labour does not admit of being deposited, [127] the person who receives it, gives a labour note oh the Magazine, by which the bearer can draw out any articles which the Magazine may contain, as persons of all professions will require those things which do admit of being deposited. At present many articles are bought with money - these are delivered out for the same amount of money which the keeper paid for them, and he is rewarded for his labour with an equal amount of the labour of him who receives them, which is deducted from the note before mentioned.

There are some articles, one part of which at present is procured with money, and the other has been deposited upon the new principle. That part for which money was paid, is paid for in money, and the other part is paid for in an equal amount of labour. We do not exchange labour for money, or money for labour, excepting in particular cases of necessity.

The loss on any article, after having been ascertained, is added to, and becomes one part of its price. An account of all the labour and money expenses is kept, and when any one receives an article, he pays as much labour and money over and above the cost, as will be likely to pay these expenses; the amount being liable to vary according to local and other circumstances, is fixed periodically by the keeper. An open record is kept upon which is noted in a simple and expeditious manner, each article that is delivered: and this is done by such a method that at a meeting of those who are in the habit of dealing here, it can be readily ascertained how much labour and money have been received for the purpose of discharging these expenses: and if when compared with the account of expenses it appears that too much has been received, the overplus will be distributed equally unless any individuals choose to keep an account of the precise proportions of their dealing, in which case [128] they will receive accordingly. If too little has been paid, all will see the propriety and the necessity of supplying the deficiency, and therefore no obligation to that effect is required. The expenses are paid in this manner, in order to secure the Magazine against the chances of loss, and to enable strangers to receive the benefits of the establishment, without being under the necessity of returning at a future time for the purpose of discharging these little items of expense.

The keeper exhibits the bills of all his purchasers to public view so that the cost of every article may be known to all. There is a list upon which each individual who is in the practice of dealing here, can make known his wants, and the keeper of the Magazine reports each day the articles or labour that can be received, and those who wish for the employment, refer first to the report of their wants to know whether their articles or services are required-as none can be received which are not wanted.

When the keeper has occasion for money, he reports upon the list of wants the rate at which he is willing to receive it in exchange for his labour. There is a place for advertisements, so that communications can be made to all interested. When any one wishes to deal in the common way, and feels no interests in the new arrangements, the keeper will deal in that way, provided the profits will amount to that which he requires in money as the reward of his labour for that day.

These are all the important arrangements which have so far appeared necessary. There are no contracts or agreements between any parties but these, or any other regulations or customs which may from time to time be adopted at this place, will always be subject to alteration, or to be abolished whenever increasing knowledge shall exhibit the propriety of change. [129]

N.B. Those who may be desirous of establishing Magazines will find their labour very much abridged by taking copies of our Labour estimates of Articles.

Josiah Warren, Positions Defined

Positions Defined

An impression is abroad, to some extent, that the "Equity movement" is necessarily characterized by an unusual latitude in the Marriage relations—I as one, protest against this idea. "The Sovereignty of every Individual" is as valid a warrant for retaining the present relations, as for changing them; and it is equally good for refusing to be drawn into any controversies or even conversations on the subject. I find no warrant in my "sovereignty" for invading, disturbing, or offending other people, whatever may be their sentiments or modes of life, while they act only at their own Cost: and would again and again reiterate in the most impressive possible manner that the greatest characteristic of this movement is its "INDIVIDUALITY"—that the persons engaged in it are required to act entirely as Individuals—not as a Combination or Organisation That we disclaim entirely, all responsibility for the acts, opinions, or reputations of each other. The principles of "Equity are as broad as the universe, embracing every possible diversity of character: I therefore do not look for conformity, and therefore repudiate all combined or partnership responsibilities, or reputations.

I suppose the world's experience to be its great instructor, and if it has not had enough of isms and follies I disclaim all right to oppose experiment, while the "Cost falls only upon the experimentors." But for myself, so far from proposing or wishing to see any sudden and unprepared changes in the sexual relations, I am satisfied that they would be attended with more embarrassments and more disastrous consequences than their advocates or the public generally are aware of; and farther, I wish to have it understood as a general rule, that I decline even entertaining the subject, either for controversy or for conversation.

I again caution all persons not to make me responsible for the acts and words of others; it is my right to have the making of my own reputation, and I wish them to remember, that no person either in his or her deportment or conversation, or as writer or lecturer is to be understood as a representative of me, unless my sanction is specifically given, to every idea thus advanced; and that no Newspaper or Journal is to be understood as an organ for me, except so far as it may have my signature to the articles it may contain.

Village of Modern Times, Aug. 1853.

Saturday, November 24, 2007

Godek Gardwell (Edward Kellogg) to the Merchants' Magazine

Godek Gardwell, “Labor and Other Capital” The Merchants' Magazine and Commercial Review, 18, 1 (January 1848), 65.


Art. VIII.—LABOR AND OTHER CAPITAL:
THE RIGHTS OF EACH SECURED, AND THE WRONGS TO BOTH ERADICATED.
Freeman Hunt, Esq.—Dear Sir: Although it is universally admitted that nearly all wealth is the product of labor, yet the laboring classes of all civilized nations have been, and are, as a body, poor. If the natural product of labor be wealth, the natural result of toil would be competence or wealth to those who performed the labor, unless something intervened to deprive them of their natural rights. Many philanthropic men have endeavored to ascertain the causes of the poverty of producers, and many reasons for it have been assigned, but not one of them is sufficient to account for it, and no practicable plan has been suggested for the removal of the evil.

I am about to publish a work entitled " Labor and Other Capital: the Rights of each Secured, and the Wrongs of both Eradicated;" in which I expect to show the true and only means by which producers have been, and are, deprived of their just and natural reward, and to point out a practicable remedy for the removal of the evils. It will be my aim to exhibit those means so clearly that they will be understood not only by the statesman and man of science, but also by those who have hitherto bestowed little or no thought upon the subject, and who are now ignorant of the causes of their frequent suffering, and often scanty means of subsistence. When the causes are understood by which these evils are produced, it will be clearly seen that the remedy proposed for their removal is practicable, and entirely adequate to accomplish the purpose. Although the system is so simple that a school-boy may understand it, yet it is sufficiently powerful to secure the reward of labor throughout the world, and to direct the destiny of nations. The means necessary to put it into operation are as easy and simple as the system itself. The adoption of the system is so evidently the duty, and for the interest of the producing classes, not only of one, but of all political parties, that when its principles shall be once generally known, I doubt not that it will speedily be put into operation.

Public opinion on this subject must be changed, and it must, and will, undergo a complete revolution. It has been my aim in the forthcoming volume so to exhibit the principles and the practicability of the system which it advocates, that they shall be as evident as a mathematical demonstration, that all may see the bearings, and appreciate the importance of its adoption.

Although the system will secure to labor its reward, it will at the same time protect the capitalist in all his rights in property, and it will in nowise interfere with any disposal of his property that he may deem for his advantage. It will not diminish any right to form contracts, and it will make all contracts formed far more certain of fulfilment; and, therefore, instead of encroaching upon the liberty of man, it will add greatly to his freedom and independence. It is, in fact, a system which is necessary to the perpetuation of a republican government, to the security of individual property, and of the general rights of man.

The insertion of this communication in your valuable periodical will much oblige Your obedient servant, Godek Gardwell.

New York, Dec, 13th, 1847.

Monday, November 19, 2007

Josiah Warren, The Motives for Communism and What it Led To

Josiah Warren, "The Motives for Communism—How It Worked and What It Led To," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, 1872.


COMMUNISM

Mesdames Editors: How often have I said to myself, "Oh, for a paper of world-wide circulation, through which we could pour into the public lap the most important results of our lives' experience! That others who come after us may avoid the thorny paths that have lacerated our feet—may profit by our errors and successes. I hope and believe that your is, or will be, such a paper: and in it I propose to furnish a series of articles, showing the practical workings of Communism and other reform experiments running through the forty-six years devoted to peaceful social revolution; and it will be seen that some facts are more strange than fiction, more philosophical than philosophy, more romantic than romance and more conservative than conservatism.

THE MOTIVES FOR COMMUNISM—HOW IT WORKED AND WHAT IT LED TO.

When Robert Owen came to this country in 1825 I listened to some of his sublime discourses and read some of his publications, from which it appeared that, unless some peaceful revolution could be devised, the working classes, driven to starvation by machinery and destructive competition between themselves, would be compelled to choose between death by destitution and an effort to save themselves by violent revolution.

He showed us that in Communism, instead of working against each other as in competition, we should all work for each other while working for ourselves. A problem that had been profoundly considered by the wisest of our race, but which had always baffled the highest stretch of genius. It appeared that mutual help would beget mutual sympathy, or social harmony. That labor would be reduced to two or three hours a day, leaving abundance of leisure for new enterprises and general improvement. That the jealousies and antagonisms between the poor and the rich would be at an end, and a fellow feeling would grow up from equality of condition. No more horrible crimes, or punishments still more horrible. No more children crying for bread. No more suicides for fear of starvation. No more drunkenness from despair. No more prostitution to escape starvation. No more wars about the profits in trade nor for the privileges of governing, for the government was to consist of all above a certain age. The business of nations would not be the destruction of each other, but a mutual interchange of services beneficial to each.
Sick at heart with the habitual contemplation of the frauds and cruelties of men toward each other, and the miseries in different forms that had surrounded me from childhood, all growing out of the crudity of our civilization, and seeing no hope of change, I had, at the age of 23, become willing to shut my eyes forever; but here was a new sun arisen! and my young and ardent spirit grasped at it as at the breath of life. Mr. Owen had become a new god to me, and I said to myself, now I have an object worth living for!

I was not alone in these views and feelings; several excellent people of rare intelligence and thoughtful habits joined in a project to start a community in the neighborhood of Cincinnati.
The next article will show how it worked.

I would gladly avoid the imputation of egotism, but for the sake of giving definite responsibility, and as simple truth works better than anything short of it, and to put myself in communication with readers, I give my name and place of residence.

Josiah Warren,
Princeton, Mass.

Josiah Warren, "The Motives for Communism—How It Worked and What It Led To—Article II," Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly, IV, 15 (February 24, 1872), ?.


THE MOTIVES FOR COMMUNISM—HOW IT WORKED AND WHAT IT LED TO.

ARTICLE II.

Some facts are more strange than fiction, more philosophical than philosophy, more romantic than romance and more conservative than conservatism.

In my previous article I spoke of some of the motives for communism; and, certainly, no higher or more holy motive can possibly actuate human beings. We now come to the way it worked.
We had assembled with a view of organizing a community, as I said, in the vicinity of Cincinnati. We were in the best of humor with each other, and expectations ran high. After a little preliminary conversation, the idea of organizing a meeting came up; but who should call us to "order?" No one felt "authorized" to do it, and each one seemed to feel a modest objection to assume authority. At last, one seemed to think that, if anything was done, somebody must do it, and he modestly laid aside his modesty and "called the meeting to order," and proposed the appointment of a chairman. Of course, no one objected, and chairman was appointed, not without some embarrassment in selecting one for "the honor of presiding" where all were admitted to be equally entitled to it.

The first subject proposed for consideration was a name for the contemplated community. One proposed "the practical Christians." Another objected that there were some very good Jews with us, and he hoped there would be many; not only so, but this movement was, we hoped, to become world-wide, including all beliefs and all non-beliefs in natural co-operation and harmonious feeling; and it would seem contrary to this all-embracing brotherly spirit to adopt a name that would imply anything like sectism or tend to divide us into insiders and outsiders. He said, it pained him to be obliged to say any thing adverse to what the brother had proposed, for we look for perfect "unity" in this movement. The other replied that we need not look for unity till all were willing "to stand up for Jesus." This is the first dash of cold water upon our kindling enthusiasm, and it was felt keenly by several who endeavored to allay the disturbed feeing by various remarks, all differing to some extent with each other; and the evening was spent without coming to any conclusion as to the name. If we came near to any one conclusion from the proceedings, I think it was not that "unity" that we had expected to see among us.
The next meeting was spent in a similar manner, but with the brotherly feeling somewhat diminished though no one could hardly acknowledge the fact to himself. At the next meeting we fortunately hit upon the experience of naming the community by the place of its locality, whatever that might eventually be. That being settled, the next thing was a constitution. A committee was appointed to draft one, at the meeting following, it was brought forward for acceptance. There were perhaps about thirty articles in it, and we found it impossible to agree on three of them that evening. In fact, we got into confusion. The chairman felt embarrassed, and the rest of us, (some at least) began to feel that this was not the "Unity" we had expected. Just in proportion as we desired to perserve this "unity" we hesitated to express conflicting opinions; some were consequently silent and their opinions were unknown even in regard to a measure with was to involve the whole life's destiny.*

At this meeting I said "Friends, we have certainly committed some mistake somewhere: I do not know where it is: but if we were right, there would not be so much friction in our machinery. I will go down to New Harmony and join Mr. Owen's Community. He knows how to do it. I will go to school to him; and when I have got the lessons I will report to you."

[These friends went on and organized, and moved out about thirty miles from Cincinnati—failed within a year and returned to Cincinnati discouraged.]

J. Warren,
Princeton, Mass.

COMMUNISM—THE WAY IT WORKED.
ARTICLE III.

I knew nothing then about Individuality. I had, indeed, heard that individual ownership was one of the great roots of human evil, and that Communism was to be the remedy. The idea of individuality being the germ of "intellectual anarchy" had not yet reached this country, where we were asleep like the man in the boat that was silently gliding over the cataract of Niagara. I had heard of the monarch who, in reply to a proposition to educate the people, said "he did not want learned opponents; he wanted obedient subjects." There certainly can be no "intellectual anarchy" where there is no intellect. The monarch was right in his conclusions from his premises: if one mind is to govern millions, these millions must have no minds; but, like dried herrings on a stick, their intellectual eyes must be punched out, all life must be extinguished, and they must all be dried and fixed to one pattern. As I have said, knowing nothing about Individuality (as the great, supreme, divine* law of order, progress and repose); I had plunged my hand into scalding water and suddenly withdrew it, and was now ready to plunge into it over head and ears.

I began to prepare for joining Mr. Owen at New Harmony, Indiana. Among my customers were some very good friends who endeavored to dissuade me from the contemplated step. One said, "Now, it isn't possible, is it, that thee is going to break up thy nice, comfortable home and business, and risk all in an untried experiment that may disappoint thee at last?"

"O, my dear, sir, it is because is untried that it requires to be tried. I don't fear that I shall ever want for business: and besides, in the present condition of things and people in general, life has no charms for me."

"But, then, how can thee succeed, when thee knows that minds differ so much from each other, they cannot agree, and how can they walk together unless they be agreed ?"

"O, my friend, we must yield these little difference for the great general good."
"Well, I hope thee will not be disappointed, but I fear thee will."

Several other friends went over just about the same ground with me, and though I fully appreciated their kindness I thought my replies ought (in view of the public good) to overbalance their objections. My wife, too, a most careful and judicious woman, was as much in favor of the movement as I was, and I began to sell off and give away some of the goods in the store, and send other notions to be sold at auction, let my house for a year, bought a "flat boat" and floated down the Ohio river, bag and baggage, and reached New Harmony about the first of May, 1825.

Josiah Warren.
Princeton, Mass.

* By the word divine, I mean that which l not the work of man, whatever may be thought to be its origin.

COMMUNISM—THE WAY IT WORKED.
ARTICLE IV.

We found New Harmony to be a clean, handsome village with substantial buildings, wood and brick, capable of housing about eight hundred people, most of whom had already arrived. There were very intelligent people from Philadelphia, Washington, London, Paris and other cities, all as enthusiastic as ourselves. Mr. Owen had purchased the whole of the Rappite community which had just left. In the town there was a woollen factory all in running order, a large grist mill, a little outside of town, twenty-eight hundred acres, I believe, of the best land well timbered. Mr. William McClure, a life-long philanthropist and "the father of geology in this country," with millions of money all ready to embark in the movement, with an immense collection of apparatus for model industrial schools, with a set of Pestalozian teachers whom he had met and engaged in Europe, paying them salaries from the time they started and their passage across the Atlantic. A rare library of very scarce and valuable books, costing perhaps thirty thousand dollars. Mr. Owen had another and particularly a musical library, containing a copy of all the pieces that in London were thought worth having; and, what Mr. Owen playfully termed "a whole boat load of learning," books without number on the sciences and professors to match. I give these particulars so that our failure can not be attributed to the common explanation, "want of means."

We had a Constitution (of course) of perhaps about thirty articles, one of which was that all the members were to give their best services for the general interests; but we had no sooner sat down to the committee table and got a subject before us, than we found that we differed widely as to what would best promote the best interests of the society; and the more we talked, the more points of difference were raised (as usual) and we were obliged to leave the decision to Mr. Owen at last. Here was king and council at the very outset! This looked ominous, but I supposed it was the best that could be done in the crude state in which we found ourselves.
Everyone felt free to express any opinion he or she might entertain on any subject, without fear of a Bastile, or even of offence, and as there was a great deal of active intellect assembled there, and in dead earnest, upon subjects entirely untried, no wonder that we could scarcely find much "unity" of opinion on any subject that came up.

I am not now writing the history of the present time among Reformers, but of Communism in New Harmony in 1825. If one is a description of the other, the fact may help us in the end to a solution that will well pay for the study it may cost.

We could not get things into working order. The people, having no land of their own, could not set themselves to work, but must wait for orders from superintendent; and superintendents must be appointed by the committee, and the committee were not sufficiently familiar with the business to be done nor with the qualifications of persons for superintendents, and besides they were busy with other matters, equally embarrassing.

We now heard complaints of "idleness,"—a desire to "shun labor,"—but those complaints came from those who, having had an over share of labor their whole lives, very naturally would like to escape from it and have a little rest; never even suspecting that the subjects of their criticism wished above all things to be at work, not only for their own personal comfort, but for the sake of the cause that had brought them there. It was almost impossible to believe one's eyes when they saw two eminent physicians right from their practices in Philadelphia, the one in the harvest field, in the hot July suns, week after week, and the other, a young and light framed man, rolling logs the whole day long, doing more than the share of one man, among those who had done such work all their lives.

J. Warren
Princeton, Mass.


COMMUNISM—THE WAY IT WORKED.
ARTICLE V.

Here we are, eight hundred of us, living mainly at Mr. Owens expense, at the rate of $9,000 a mouth.

Economy was now the word, and the expenses of living were reduced to the lowest living rates. We had, as I said, a ''Constitution, and this called for ''Equality;" and one member who had not thought much upon such subjects, demanded an opportunity of keeping the public-house his share of the time, in order to get his share of the good things that were promised for visitors, and so persistent was he that a public meeting of the whole population (of legislative age) was called to give him a hearing, although it excited only laughter in some, and sadness in others, to see so noble an enterprise produce such results: but we had got a ''Constitution" like all other Constitutions or rather, it had got us, for we were bound to carry out its requirements, however absurdly they might be interpreted; or else alter or abolish it. Very soon a meeting was called for public business, and it was proposed to alter the Constitution in several respects. Conflicting views consumed that evening without result, and the meeting was adjourned to the next day, and the next day was taken up in trying to make a "Constitution," instead of making food and clothing. After several days spent in this way, a great variety of subjects being agitated, the ''Constitution was altered (if not amended) but the meetings and conflicting opinions consumed day after day and week after week, and led to dividing the society into three societies or departments—the agricultural, the mechanical, and the educational. Here was a step toward individuality; but it was thought best as a step out of, instead of into, "confusion and anarchy."
Mr. Owen, believing that a uniformity of dress would have a tendency to allay jealousies and envy, proposed that the women wear what was called the tunic (what is now called the bloomer dress) and that the men wear something similar while aiming in this way to produce a feeling of equality among ourselves, he did not seem to think of the other fact that while this might bring us nearer together in feeling, it would drive outsiders further from us, when our object was not to build up a sect, but by including all mankind in an effort for harmonious life, to abolish sectism and clanship. This was the first intimation I had that my new god might possibly prove to be human.

We now began to hear of the failures of several community experiments in this country, and that of Orbiston in Scotland, managed by Abraham Coombe, who, after superhuman effort and intense anxiety, died of exhaustion and a broken heart.

Discontents among ourselves now began to appear in the succession of ten or twelve families from us, and going by themselves out upon the unsettled lands, believing that they, at least, who thought and felt so nearly alike, could succeed, but in a few weeks they returned to the main town defeated, but could not seem to explain why they failed. Then another little company went out, and another and another-—in all, from first to last. ten attempts of this kind were made, each very confident that if they only meant well they would surely succeed, but they all returned to the town disappointed. Now came the news of the failure of the "Valley Forge" community, and the Haverstraw, and others, but no explanation of the philosophy of these failures was heard.

Our expenditures were becoming alarming, when compared with the income. The charge of a desire to shun work was quite loud, and of course every remark of this kind was a very firebrand wherever it happened to fall. Mr. Owen proposed as a stimulus to industry, that each superintendent of a department should report his estimate of the workers under his direction, at the end of each week, at a public meeting. The working of this measure hardly needs illustration, perhaps, but I will give one. We had a young man there who had come all the way from Washington, (I believe), and who had been an apprentice to a jeweler. He was of a very delicate make and charmed even professional ears with his performances on the flute. He was in the agricultural department, and was ordered to go into the harvest field, and as might have been foreseen was reported as lowest, or almost or quite worthless. He was very sensitive and modest, and to see himself stamped all at once with such a reputation among us, seemed almost like a death blow to him. I felt deeply for him, for I loved him, but no words of sympathy and respect could restore his smile. We never heard his charming music again. We soon followed the first victim of our communistic criticism to his last resting place.

J. Warren
Princeton, Mass.

COMMUNISM—THE WAY IT WORKED.
ARTICLE IV. [VI]

We had organization after organization, constitution after constitution, and rules and regulations, only to abolish them and replace them with others only to be abolished in their turn. A large portion of our time, day and evening, was spent in legislation in general meetings or conversation in detail but the fruits of all this were only more compulsion and doubt as to our final success. Our confidence gradually gave place to anxiety, especially as some of the most intelligent began to leave.

Mr. McClure withdrew from the connection, and the ownership of the town was divided between him and Mr. Owen.

Here is an item of instruction. Two of the best men in the world, with exactly the same objects in view, could not act in communism together, but were compelled to go back to individuality for the sake of repose.

Mr. McClure then sustained the educational department with his own means, and he spent. S40,000 of his own money in three months, without anything to show for it (at. least it was confidently so stated at the time).

One little incident will show how communism destroys harmony and friendship. In this department, one woman had been very low with a nervous fever several weeks, and shortly after she began to recover, some of the other women thought she was well enough to take her share in the washing and other house work, and continued to have this intimated to her husband; but his wife did not make her appearance in the kitchen, and some of the women agreed among themselves to confront the husband as he came out of the dining room, and to tell him in positive terms that they were for equality, and unless his wife came forward and did her part in the kitchen, they would leave it, and anybody might do the work that had a mind to. "Well," said the husband, "my wife will not come, at any rate, at present, let the consequences be whatever they may."

In two or three weeks after this, the department broke up, and having returned to individuality, there was nothing between the parties to dispute about.

All organizations had now failed; and we had so completely worn ourselves and each other out by increased legislation, that we could not talk any more on the subject that brought us together. The question then was, what is to be done? A public meeting was called, at which an intelligent gentleman from London (Mr. Whitwell) got up and said, "We have done nothing for the last six weeks but to meet here and make constitutions, laws, rules and regulations and to unmake them—It is now the middle of May* and there is not a seed in the ground; and I propose that all of us immediately put ourselves under the direction of Mr. Owen for one year from this date." This was carried without a single word of debate or one dissenting voice.

Here we are, after having gone through every possible form of organization and government: we had arrived at anarchy, to be succeeded, as always, by despotism—that is, individuality in the deciding power: but it was individuality in the wrong form. It was the denial of the right of individuality in all except the ruler: this led to its inevitable consequences. In three weeks Mr. Owen, though still the best of men, was as unpopular as he had before been beloved: do what he would no body was satisfied: and one man watched the streets a large portion of the time, declaring that his purpose was to meet Mr. Owen and fight him.

Some young men got a coffin and a flag inscribing on it "The Social System" with the intention of having a funeral the next day and burying the social system after parading it through the streets: butt to save the feelings of Mr. Owen some one or more broke into the room where the preparations were, (the night previous to the intended funeral,) and destroyed them.

J. Warren
Princeton, Mass.

COMMUNISM—THE WAY IT WORKED AND WHAT IT LED TO.
ARTICLE VII.

Some facts are more strange than fiction, more philosophical than philosophy, more romantic than romance, and more conservative than conservation.

THE MODEL SCHOOLS.

I must not omit to describe the model schools, sustained by Mr. McClure. They were conducted by the pestallozian teachers before mentioned. One was conducted in one wing of the large town hall. There was a partition separating this from the centre portion, where I was when my attention was arrested by a few words that I overheard addressed to a class of boys by Mr. Darusmont, a French gentleman, the conductor of this school. The thoughts presented to the public were so new, so sublime, and the language so charming, that I stood fascinated. I could not go about the business I went there for; but after having listened to the whole discourse, I resolved (though several years a married man) to beg of Mr. Darusmont the privilege or coming and sitting with his boys and listening to his teachings. I knocked at his door—he came—I made known my purpose—his handsome countenance lighted up and his eyes moistened with an evidently benevolent emotion, and taking my hand within both of his, he drew me within the door and gave me a welcome with a charming cordiality, in word, tone and gesture truly French. We immediately became fast friends.

The next day I took my seat with the boys, and for the first time in my life, I saw the true mission of education! No generalization that I can give will convey an adequate idea of the teachings of William Phiquepal Darusmont, so careful was he to put forth the exact truth, and to see that it was thoroughly understood—so minutely analytical; so profoundly philosophical in the smallest particular—such nice discriminations where common eyes see no difference, but the want of' which so often proves disastrous through life! With all this minuteness his discourse was not tiresome; and though addressed entirely to the intellect, the effect upon the feelings was like that of a masterly musical composition; which, by judicious changes of' key and occasional digressions from the main theme, and then by natural and easy returns to it, with slight variations of expression, carries us, unconsciously wherever the author chooses.

I was speechless with admiration—reverence—love! When the sitting was over and the boys gone to their work, we had a long conversation (if that may be called conversation in which I could only listen). In this and subsequent interviews I learned that he had, early in life, resolved to devote himself to what he considered education should be. That he had been several years a friend and coadjutor of Pestal-lozzi. It seemed that one great idea with him was to draw out into exercise the self-sustaining faculties and thus qualify pupils to meet any contingencies of after life; and with this view he had experimented with himself in order to find out the extent of human capacities. He had learned several branches of mechanism—made a piano-forte from the raw materials, had gone all through the details of cooking food, washing and mending clothes, as well as as cutting out and making them, and his pupils were now doing all these kinds of work for themselves.

He had remodeled the modes of almost every branch of civilization. He was the inventor of the instrument now used in many of the schools, viz, a frame with ten rods in it with ten balls on each for the better teaching of arithmatic; and he called it the "Arithmometer." In teaching geometry, instead of depending on words and lines, he had cubes, cones and every geometrical idea in wood, hanging up about the schoolroom or otherwise in plain sight. In teaching geography, each pupil had a little globe which he held in his hand to refer to. He had spent four years in one of the hospitals in Paris to qualify himself to speak intelligently upon anatomy and diseases, and he discoursed to us on those subjects using a pig for illustrations, as the animal nearest resembling the human structure. I also understood, (not from him) that he was a most thorough musical scholar, and an exquisite performer. He had also digested a system of universal phonography, representing all the elements of all languages.

In short, he seemed, like Lord Bacon, to have taken for his life-long pursuit, the study and promulgation of all useful knowledge, by the shortest and most thorough modes that could be devised; with the great leading idea that "there is nothing too large or too small for the greatest to engage in, which has a tendency to mitigate the pains, or promote the enjoyments of the humblest."

Since his death, I have learned that he belonged to the French nobility: but no hint of the kind ever escaped him in our interviews. With all his wonderful acquirements, his unaffected modesty was strikingly conspicuous.

J. Warren
Princeton, Mass.

COMMUNISM—THE WAY IT WORKED AND WHAT IT LED TO.
ARTICLE VIII.

As I before said, our experiments had come to an end. We had fairly worn each other out by incessant legislation about organizations, constitutions, laws and regulations, and we would no longer talk with each other on the subject that brought us there. We had tried every possible kind of organization and government, from political Democracy through every modification and mixture of all known political elements to anarchy, and then, of course, to despotism, and then, of course, to revolt—the old routine over again, excepting that we did not quarrel; because Mr. Owen had made it an habitual thought with us, that all our thoughts, feelings and actions are the effects of the causes that produce them, and that it would be just as rational to punish the fruit of a tree for being what it is, as to quarrel with each other for being what we are; that our true issues are not with each other, but with causes.

Many intelligent and far-seeing members had left, and others were preparing to leave, and an oppressive despondency hung heavily upon all. I shared the general feeling, and nothing saved me from despair but the idea that our business is with causes; and the question now was, what could be the causes of all this confusion and disappointment? What was the matter, when all were so willing to sacrifice so much for success? These questions led my thoughts back to our difficulties in detail. The first constitution bound every one to give his best services for the general good of the society; but we could not agree as to what would best promote this general good, and the more we talked and argued, the more we disagreed.

That phrase, "the general good," is a harmless and useful one, providing there is no necessity of agreeing as to its meaning. Why was it necessary to agree as to its signification? The necessity evidently arose out of our connected interests. If each one interpreted the word only for himself, the great diversity of views would not only have been harmless but might have been profitable; but in communism, some one view must prevail over all Communism, then, was the root of the trouble here. The constitution also required every one to be industrious, but the word industrious is an indefinite one, and like all other indefinite words is subject to different interpretations. The teacher of music was busy all the school hours, week after week with the children, and in many of the evenings, teaching the use of instruments; suffering torture (of ear) all the time, and craved above all things to have rest in something to do out of doors, in the sun-light and air; but he thought he must be industrious for the good of the whole; while at the same time, the out-door workers raised a cry that this man's teaching was not at all necessary, they demanded that be should go about some industrious pursuit! So differently do we see, feel and think, according to our circumstances and experiences, and so incapable are we of judging and deciding for each other; and consequently are not adopted to live in communism, where there is no freedom to differ, but all must conform to some one idea or view of each subject as it arises.
The demand in the constitution for equality, gave rise to the demand of the clown for a chance at the good things in the public house. The idea of entertaining strangers, who came to enquire into the philosophy of our movement, was no part of his programme.

That word, Equality, is a very useful word, in some places; but in a constitution, binding on all, anti subject to as many different meanings as there are people to use, it can produce only the severest and bitterest of fruits. The case of the sick woman arose from the same source, the indefiniteness of the word Equality. On this ground they demanded her presence in the kitchen, when she was not able to sit up half the time. These women did not know her condition, but thought they did. This mistake, which made a wide breech between the parties, would have been entirely harmless, had it not been for communism, and the constitution.

J. Warren
Princeton, Mass.

COMMUNISM—THE WAY IT WORKED AND WHAT IT LED TO.
ARTICLE IX

"Some facts are more strange than fiction, more philosophical than philosophy, more romantic than romance, and more conservative than conservatism."

In our educational department there was a gentleman of whom I was very fond, who took to going about the streets without any hat, and allowing his beard to grow to such an extent that, together with the effect of the sun on his fine skin made him look frightfully repulsive, somewhat like an ourang outang. Fearing that his appearance would give character to the schools (in which he was one of the teachers) and disgust strangers, I ventured to say to him as gently as I could, what I thought, that I was afraid that as strangers could only judge at first of our enterprise by externals, would it not be best to forego for the present unimportant peculiarities for the sake of getting the attention of the public for whose benefit we were working?

"My God!" he exclaimed, have I come three thousand miles over the Atlantic Ocean in pursuit of freedom to be dictated to how I shall dress!" I could say not another word, our friendship was broken up and was never renewed, for he soon left the place.

Now, what was the matter here? It was Communism that was the matter. He and I both belonged to the same (educational) department; and I was not willing to bear any portion of the reputation that the school was likely to get, nor to have it suffer defeat without an effort to save it. In our connection we could not both of us have our different ways; the liberty he desired was impossible if I had my way, or mine was impossible if he had his; but if each of us had conducted a school individually there would have been freedom to differ without disturbance.

Another case. Passing by the blacksmith's shop, I saw him sitting on the bench talking, as be was in the habit of doing a large portion of the time. On my return, in about a half an hour, he still sat there, swinging his legs and talking as usual. I had business with him, and stepped in. Just then a young woman was passing over the green at a little distance. "There," said be; "now what is she there for, wasting her time; she had much better be in the straw room at work, than gadding about at that rate." Neither he nor I knew who the lady was, nor where she was going, nor what she was going for. I was shocked and disgusted at the rough impertinence of the criticism upon the young lady, and asked myself the question: What could possibly justify him in his own opinion for wild brutality? and I perceived that it was communism. He would probably say that having a joint interest in results, he had a right to look at and criticise any member's movements; and in communisms this could not be disputed and for the same reason I should criticise the position in which be had been for the last half hour, and where would quarreling end? It could end in nothing short of individualizing our interests—the abandonment of Communism.

My thoughts went back to many more instances similar to these, and in every case I could come to no other conclusion than that Communism was the matter, and that it was false and wrong in principle.

What, then, was to be done? Must we give up all hope of successful society? Or must we attempt to construct society without Communism?—for all societies, from a nation to the smallest partnership, are more or less communistic.

We had carried Communism farther than usual, and hence our greater than ordinary confusion. Common society, then, had all the time been right in its individual ownership of property, and its individual responsibilities and wrong in all its communistic entanglements!

J. Warren
Princeton, Mass.



COMMUNISM—THE WAY IT WORKED AND WHAT IT LED TO.—ARTICLE X

Some facts are "more strange than fiction," more philosophical than philosophy, more romantic than romance, and more conservative than conservatism.

Had society, then, started wrong at the beginning? Had all its governments and other communistic institutions been formed on a wrong model? Was disintegration, then, not an enemy but a friend and a remedy? Was individuality to be the watchword in harmonic progress, instead of Union? I dwelt upon these thoughts day and night, for I could not dismiss them, and was almost bewildered with the imense scope of the subject and the astounding conclusions that I could not avoid; but I had become so distrustful of my own I judgment from our late disappointments, I resolved to dismiss these thoughts and these great problems to be solved by the wise, the "great" and the powerful; but I could not dismiss them They haunted me day and night; they presented to me society beginning anew; I found myself asking how it should begin. It could not be formed or formulized, for we had just proved that we could no more form successful society than we form the fruit upon a tree. It must be the natural growth of the interest that each one feels in it from the benefits derived or expected from it. The greater these benefits, the stronger is the "bond of society;" where there is no interest felt there is no "bond of society," whatever its "unions," its organizations, its constitutions, governments or laws may be.
We had just seen that no bond could be stronger than that which bound us together till we commenced "organizing" and making laws, rules, regulations and governments. There was now no interest felt in the enterprise, no "bond," no society; but we were scattering as rapidly as possible, never, perhaps, to see each other again.

If the enjoyments derived from society are its true bond, what do we want of any other bond? "Oh, we want governments and laws to regulate the movements of the members of society—to prevent their encroachments on each other, and to manage the combined (communistic) interests for the common benefit."

But the movements of members have never been regulated; encroachments have not only not been prevented by laws and governments, but they have always proved the greatest of all encroachers and disturbers. Encroachments are increasing every day, the common interests have never been managed to the satisfaction of the parties interested, and there is no agreement among us as to what would best promote the common interest or what measures to adopt to that end. It was precisely these problems that remained to be solved which was our purpose in our late movement. It had been defeated by our attempts to govern each other, to regulate each other for the common benefit, the good of society, no two having the same view of the best way of Promoting the good of society, and no one retaining the same view from one week to another. We had not arrived at principles, and infinite diversity with regard to measures and modes was inevitable in the transitionary stage. If we could fortunately arrive at principles, they would become our regulators, perhaps.
J. Warren.


COMMUNISM—THE WAY IT WORKED, AND WHAT IT LED TO—ARTICLE XI.

Infinite diversity instead of "unity" is inevitable, especially in the progressive or transitionary stage. Then why not leave every one to regulate his own movements, within equitable limits, provided we can find out what equity is, and leave the rest to the universal instinct of self-preservation? But what constitutes equity is the greatest question of all. It is the "unknown quantity" that even algebra has failed to furnish! One thing may be depended on. If all our wants are supplied that is all we want. Could we not supply each other's wants without "entangling" ourselves in Communism, and thereby involving ourselves in interminable conflicts and fruitless legislation? Could we not have a central point in each neighborhood where all wants might be made known, and where those wanting employment or who might have anything to dispose of could also make it known, and thus bring the demand and the supply together and adopt the one to the other? But on what principle could we exchange, so that each and every one could get as much as he gave? Here the idea of labor for labor (first broached in Europe) presented itself; but hour for hour, in all pursuits, did not seem to promise the equilibrium required, because starved, ragged, insulted and suffering labor would be shunned even more than it Is now by every one who could avoid it; and the more respected and more agreeable pursuits would be overcrowded, and conflict between all would continue, and the demand and supply would be thrown out of balance; but as no one would be bound to follow any theory any farther than it best suited him, every one could make any exceptions to the rule that he might choose to make.

Estimating the price of everything by the labor there is in it, promised to abolish all speculations on land on clothing, food, fuel, knowledge—on every thing—to convert time into capital, thereby abolishing the distinctions of rich and poor; to reduce the amount of necessary labor to two or three hours per day, where no one would desire to avoid his share of useful employment. The motive of some to force others to bear their burthens would not exist, and slaveries of all kinds would naturally become extinct.

J. Warren
Princeton, Mass.

* Freedom of speech here might have gone against "unity," but it might have saved the company from an expensive defeat and discouragement.

Thursday, September 13, 2007

Josephine Lowell - extracts on the Greene family

William Rhinelander Stewart. The Philanthropic Work of Josephine Shaw Lowell. New York: Macmillan, 1911.

[page 13] I know a great many men in the army who are: My brother, and first cousin, H. S. Russell, in Gordon's Regiment (2d Mass. Vol.), Capt. Curtis, Lieut. Motley, Lieut. Morse, Capt. Tucker, Lieut. Bangs, Lieut. Robson in the same Regiment; Joe and Ned Curtis, the former belonging to the Ninth Regiment, N. Y., the latter, a surgeon in the Georgetown Hospital. My cousin, Harry Sturgis, in Raymond Lee's Mass. Regiment. My uncle, William Greene, Colonel of the 14th Mass.; Dr. Elliott and his three sons of the Highland Regiment; Capt. Lowell of the U. S. A., and Theodore Winthrop, who died for his country at Great Bethel, June 10th, 1861. Also, Rufus Delafield, a surgeon U. S. A. Twenty brave men,—nineteen living and one dead.—O. Wendell Holmes, Caspar Crowninshield.

[pages 20-21] October 3d, 1861. Everything goes on as usual. We have no battle yet, although September has passed, the month in which they were to take place. The weakness of the Rebels is shown, I should think, by that one fact and they keep having doleful accounts of the condition of their army. Uncle William Greene says that "Peace will come upon us like a river." Would to God it might.

[page 70]
Feb. 25, '94.
DEAREST ANNIE :

I wonder if you are much disturbed about the bomb-throwers? What a crazy, dreadful set of creatures, and how all the newspaper talk only serves to set off some other lunatic to do the same thing. Certainly the modern newspaper is a very "mixed good." The view a reporter takes of things is generally the wrong view, but it helps to make public opinion. Well, there's no use talking about it—only I am glad you and Aunt Anna Greene do not take your dinner at a cafĂ©.

Greene family portraits

Charles Carleton Coffin. History of Boscawen and Webster, from 1733 to 1878. Concord, N. H.: Republican Press Association, 1878. 384-394.

GREENE, NATHANIEL.

Nathaniel Greene was born in Boscawen, 20 May, 1797. He was christened Peter; but having great respect for the memory of his father, by permission of the legislature of Massachusetts he took the name of Nathaniel.

Educational advantages at the beginning of the century were limited to eight or ten weeks of schooling in winter, and a term of about the same length in summer. Two of his teachers were,— Miss Lucy Hartwell, who afterwards became the wife of Col. Timothy Dix, and Rev. Henry Coleman, then a young man, who subsequently was a minister in Salem, Mass., and who distinguished himself as a writer on agricultural subjects. One of Mr. Greene's schoolmates was John Adams Dix. Together they stood with their toes to a crack in the floor, their spelling-books in their hands, and made their " manners " when Lucy Hartwell said, " Attention !"

At the age of ten he went to Hopkinton, and became a clerk in a store. While there he had some three months' additional schooling.

The death of his father when he was but eleven years of age, leaving an embarrassed estate, compelled him to begin the struggle of life under adverse circumstances. He was a great reader, and devoured all books that came in his way, and which he could find time to read. By chance he read a memoir of Franklin, which awakened in him a desire to be a printer, and especially to become an editor. The idea took complete possession of his youthful mind. He thought of it by day, and dreamed of it by night.

At this time—1809—a new paper made its appearance in Concord—the New Hampshire Patriot, established by Isaac Hill. On the 4th of July he walked from Hopkinton to Concord, and offered himself to Mr. Hill as an apprentice, and took his place at the case. That, however, was not the end of his ambition, but only the beginning. It was not to give other men's thoughts to the world, but his own.

Having left Mr. Hill, he became connected in 1812 with the Concord Gazette, published by Jesse Tuttle. This was the beginning of his editorial career. The newspaper at that time usually contained a ponderous article on some political topic, the latest news from Europe, the victories of the French armies or of the Prussians, but very little local information. There were no reports of meetings, no gathering up of home incidents. The paper was issued weekly, and there was abundant time for an editor to prepare his thunderbolt to launch at the opposing political party.

In 1814 Mr. Greene moved to Portsmouth, and became connected with the New Hampshire War Journal, published by Beck & Foster. He remained there only a year, when he removed to Haverhill, Mass., and became connected with the Haverhill Gazette, published by Burrell & Tileston. In this situation, although but eighteen years of age, he had the sole editorial supervision of the paper. In 1817, at the age of twenty, he became his own publisher, and started the Essex Patriot. The vigor and energy of his writing had already attracted the attention of the public, and he was invited by some of the Democratic Republican politicians to start a paper in Boston ; and, complying with the request, he issued, on 6 Feb., 1821, the first number of the Boston Statesman, a weekly, still in existence. At that time there was a triangular contest for the presidency, and the Statesman advocated the election of W. H. Crawford; but the result of the election—the elevation of John Quincy Adams to the presidential chair—and the great and increasing popularity of Gen. Jackson, made it apparent to the far-seeing young editor that the succeeding election would bring Gen. Jackson prominently before the public. Mr. Greene labored earnestly to bring about the nomination and election of the hero of New Orleans; and the triumph of the party, in 1828, paved the way for Mr. Greene's future political success.

He was appointed post-master of Boston in 1829, and occupied that official position until the accession of Gen. Harrison to the presidency, when he was succeeded by Mr. George Wm. Gordon; and although this was one of the first public removals of the new administration, yet one of the last measures of President Tyler was to reinstate Mr. Greene in the same office, which he occupied until after tho election of Zachary Taylor, in 1849. Mr. Greene had the reputation of conducting this department to the entire approval of the national executive, and, by his urbane and conciliatory deportment, to the satisfaction of the public in Boston.

While thus absorbed in official and editorial duties, he found time to acquire the French, Italian, and German languages. The French was taken up without much difficulty, as was also the Italian; and in a few wecks he was able to read them. He published, in 1836, a history of Italy, translated by himself from the Italian; and subsequently, as a birth-day present to his niece, he translated Undine from the German into the Italian. This work was read by Signor Monte, at that time professor of Italian at Harvard college, who pronounced it admirably done, and requiring very little alteration to be ready for publication.

In 1836, at the suggestion of a friend, he began German, purchasing a dictionary, a grammar, and a set of Van der Velde's works. Taking them home, he sat down in the evening, and began with the title-page. The first word was "die" which, on referring to the dictionary, he found to be the definite article " the." He wrote down the word, and went on to the next, which was "wieder taufer.'' He turned to the dictionary, but could not find it. Recollecting that many words in German are compounds, he looked for "wieder," and found that it meant "again." Then looking for "taufer," he found that it meant " baptiser;" and said to himself that "wieder taufer" must mean the re-baptiser, or Anabaptist. This was the title-page. He thus began with the first sentence of the text, and before retiring to rest completed the first period of a line and a half.

This was about Christmas time. Every evening during the winter he went on with his translation, and about the first of May following published the results of his labor in two duodecimo volumes, entitled "Tales from the German." He translated about fifty volumes, many of which have been published. Such literary perseverance has few parallels.

Mr. Greene had a fine poetic fancy. Many of his contributions have been given to the public over the signature of "Boscawen," choosing the place of his birth as his nom de plume. His stanzas entitled "Petrarch and Laura," published in the Boston Transcript, are marked by smoothness of rhythm and delicate sentiment :

PETRARCH AND LAURA.

Oh! deem not Petrarch all unblest,
In that he Laura never knew;
That no fond word his ear caressed,
In fair return for love so true;
That no response he ever heard
To lays in which his love was told
In sweeter strains than love's own bird
In grove or forest ever trolled.

Though Laura might disdain to hear
The music from his heart-strings wrung,
Those strains now reach the listening ear
In every land and every tongue.
Though made the subject of her scorn,
From which in life he suffered long,
There's many a maiden, then unborn,
Who since hath loved him for his song.

Not unrewarded nor unblest
The sorrows he in song deplored;
His sonnets oft relieved the breast
From which the strains divine were poured.
They won for him undying fame,
Which brightens with the lapse of time,
And eternized fair Laura's name,
Embalmed in "choice Italian" rhyme.

After retiring from public life, Mr. Greene spent a long period abroad, travelling through Europe. While in Paris, in 1852, he received intelligence of the death of a beloved daughter, who died at Panama, while on her way to San Francisco to establish a Home of the Sisters of Charity, to which order she had become attached. The father's heart, wrung with grief, found expression in the appended feeling tribute to her memory :

TO MY DAUGHTER IN HEAVEN.

I had on earth but only thee;
Thy love was all the world to me;
And tbou hast sought the silent shore
Where I had thought to go before!

Away from thee, in sad exile,
My lips had long unlearned to smile;
Bright wit might flash, red wine might pour,
But I, alas! could smile no more!

Thy death in these my fading years,
Hath sealed and seared the fount of tears;
My heart may bleed at every pore,
But I, alas! can weep no more!

Ah! how thy loss my soul doth rend,
My only daughter, sister, friend!
Of thee bereft, all joy is o'er,
And I, on earth, can hope no more.

But in those realms beyond the sun,
In that bright heaven thy faith hath won.
Where thou and kindred spirits reign,
There haply shall we meet again.

Paris, Sept. 20th, 1852.

Mr. Greene married Miss Susan, daughter of Rev. "Wm. Batchelder, of Haverhill, Mass. His son. "Wm. B. Greene, was educated at West Point, and served as lieutenant in the U. S. Army; but resigning his commission he entered the ministry, and settled in Brookfield, Mass. He married a daughter of Robert G. Shaw, Esq., of Boston. At the breaking out of the Rebellion he was living abroad. At the news of the attack upon Fort Sumter he hastened home, and offered his services to the government . He was appointed colonel of the 14th Mass. Volunteers, which he ably drilled as a heavy artillery regiment, and commanded the line of fortifications on the Potomac, serving with distinction.

Mr. Nathaniel Greene died 29 Nov., 1877, at the age of eighty years and live months. From among many of the obituary notices of him we quote the following: "Another of Boston's old and distinguished citizens has been added to the vanished throng. Few names have been more closely identified with the life and interests of this city than that of Nathaniel Greene. He was eminently a successful man. He handled the elements that lay before him with judgment and with vigor. For half a century his career was one of great activity, and it yielded results upon which he might well pride himself. He was a controlling spirit, a progressive force, in those circles wherein he moved, and his name will be remembered as long as the events of the Boston of this nineteenth century are written about or spoken of."

GREENE, CHARLES GORDON, COL.,

The youngest son of Nathaniel Greene, Esq., was born in Boscawen July 1,1804. His opportunities for obtaining an early education were as limited as his brother's. In 1811 he accompanied his parents to Virginia. In the succeeding year, his father having died, his mother, bearing a double burden of sorrow—her bereavement and an embarrassed estate—returned to New Hampshire. Three years passed, when Nathaniel, having become connected with the Haverhill Gazette, took charge of his younger brother, and placed him in the Bradford academy. His preceptor was the famous Benjamin Greenleaf, who has been characterized by Horace Mann as "a huge crystallization of mathematics." In 1817, when his brother established the Essex Patriot, Charles, at the age of thirteen, began to learn the art of printing; and subsequently he served one year in the office of Mr. Lamson, at Exeter. In 1822 he went to Boston (to which city his brother had removed and was publishing the Boston Statesman) and was employed in this establishment until 1825, when he settled at Taunton, and published The Free Press one year, upon contract, and upon which he begau his editorial career, at the early age of twenty-one. Upon the closing of his contract he returned to Boston, and published The Spectator, a literary journal edited by Charles Atwood, Esq. But the Spectator, after a brief independent existence, was united with another publication, and Mr. Greene was again engaged upon the Statesman, but only for a short time, for in 1827 he became a partner with James A. Jones, of Philadelphia, in the publication of the National Palladium of that city, the first daily paper published in Pennsylvania, advocating the election of Andrew Jackson to the presidency. When he withdrew from that paper, in December, 1827, the United States Gazette remarked of him that he was "an able champion of his party, greatly endeared by his conciliatory and unobtrusive deportment." The warmth of his zeal in favor of the election of Andrew Jackson to the presidency is evinced in this glowing and eloquent passage from an oration delivered 4 July, 1831: " His race is run out. Not a drop of his blood will be left flowing when he is gone; not a lip to say, 'I glory in his memory, for he was my kinsman.' Is it not, my friends,—is it not a spectacle to move and touch the very soul ? If there be moral sublimity in anything, it is in unmingled self-devotion to one's country; and what but this could have arrested, on the very threshold of the tomb, the feet of him who, though he turns to bless his country at her call, sees no child nor relative leaning forward to catch the mantle of his glory."

In 1823 Mr. Greene was engaged in the office of the United States Telegraph at Washington, owned and conducted by Gen. Duff Green, where he remained until after the election of Gen. Jackson to the presidency. Returning to Boston, he succeeded his brother Nathaniel as joint proprietor and publisher with Benjamin True of the Statesman. The latter's interest he purchased in a few years, and he became sole owner; and on 9 November, 1831, the Boston Morning Post made its appearance from the office of the Statesman, published and edited by Mr. Greene. It was a small sheet of sixteen columns, but quite as large as the times warranted. Mr. Greene labored with untiring diligence to make the paper worthy of public confidence. His editorials were sharp and incisive, but at the same time there was a geniality and courtesy which won the respect and esteem of political opponents. It was the period of the first secession manifestation, when Hayne and Webster were the gladiators in the senate of the United States. The Post sustained the administration, pronouncing against the new doctrine of state rights as set forth by the South Carolina school of politicians. It soon became the leading Democratic journal of New England. It was an authority, and its voice was potent in the party, and by its generous spirit became a powerful influence over young men. The Post was famous for its effective witticisms. " We have seen the puns of this daily as sensibly affect the risibles of the sedate old man of eighty as they do the merry youths of sixteen," says Mr. Luring, in "The Hundred Boston Orators." On the occurrence of its fortieth birth-day the colonel thus happily spoke of it: "Forty years ago to-day the Boston Post shed its first effulgence upon an admiring world, dispelling the darkness thereof, and diffusing joy among all people of the American species. From 9 November, 1851, to this morning, it has risen with the sun each week day, giving light, warmth, and comfort to all ready to receive its blessings. It is not for us, who acted as accoucheur at its birth, to boast of the promise it gave at its first breath, or of its sturdy youth, or of the power and activity of its present manhood. All these pleasant little matters of fact will be freely admitted by generous contemporaries, with whom it has fought and shaken hands hundreds of times; and after contests of two-score years, it can truly say it harbors no unkind thought towards one of them."

The Democratic party in the state and in Boston was in the minority, but Col. Greene was so much esteemed by men of all parties that he was elected representative to the Massachusetts legislature, and in 1848 was an aid to Gov. Morton, on account of which position he received his title of "Colonel." Upon the accession of President Pierce, Col. Greene was appointed naval officer, which position he held for eight years. Upon his retirement it was said of him that he had "discharged the duties of the office with admirable efficiency and promptitude,—though quietly, unostentatiously, and without political proscription.'' His political associates often selected him as their candidate for mayor and member of congress. He was frequently mentioned for other positions, such as postmaster-general, minister abroad, &c. Upon the breaking out of the Rebellion, he took the side of the loyal states with all his heart. Though the editorial pen often criticised the conduct of the war and the methods of the administration, Col. Greene stood unflinchingly for the union of the states and the crushing out of secession. At various meetings held in Boston, in 1862, to take action in regard to the call of the President for troops, Col. Greene made many patriotic and eloquent speeches in favor of promptly responding to the call, and exerted himself zealously in favor of enlistments. He was chairman of the general committee which held its sessions on the Common, in 1862, to promote recruiting: and his substantial aid to wounded soldiers and their families, unostentatiously administered, brought comfort to many of our brave men. The following extract from a letter written by Mr. Greene to a New York committee, in 1804, inviting him to be present at a social meeting, will serve to show his sentiments: ''The rebellion of the Southern states was totally unjustifiable ; it is a deep sin, which can only be expiated by suffering and repentance ; but the disregard of the provisions of the constitution, by those placed in power as its servants and its guardians, is as fatal to its perpetuity as the enmity of its armed repudiators. In such an alarming complication of political affairs, the salvation of the country would seem to depend upon the conduct of those who have resolved to resist both extremes,—namely, those men whose madness has arrayed them in rebellion against a benign government, and those whose sordid and wicked ambition has led them into transgressions and usurpations hardly surpassed by undisguised treason." And again, at a banquet given in honor of Capt. Winslow, of the immortal Kearsarge, Col. Greene, in response to a call from the president, said.—"No man, no class of men, can monopolize the starry flag of the Union: it is the nation's banner, the emblem of a nation of freemen :—its trinmphs are national glory. It is meet, therefore, that we express our thanks in glowing words to those who beneath its folds contribute to the treasurv of our common honor. In the present festivities may we forget the family jars just passed, and, like a Land of brothers, only see in the event we now celebrate, new lustre and increased strength given to our father's house,—the great temple of liberty erected by their valor, cemented with their blood, and preserved by the bravery of their children. Would to heaven, sir, that the echoes of the applause we now offer for gallant deeds were for such a victory as would draw cheering responses from each of the thirty-five states of this great country ; that no pang should agonize one American heart; that the blow struck was like unto that which taught a foreign foe 'the might that slumbers in a freeman's arm.' But, unhappily,—most unhappily,—such is not the case. The present necessity for spreading death over sea and land is an awful, a lamentable one,—a necessity that has arrayed in terrible combat one portion of our house against another portion ; but, like the Roman father, the government, while it administers justice with throbbing heart and weeping eyes, cannot withhold chastisement. Its integrity must be vindicated, its authority must be sustained, its constitution must be perpetuated, and the union of the states must be reestablished, at whatever cost. Therefore, sir, I offer as a toast, ' The Navy and Army of the United States. May the one drive piracy from the water, and the other treason from the land.'"

On the 24th of October, 1827, Col. Greene was married to Miss Charlotte E., daughter of Capt. Samuel Hill, of Boston, a lady of fine education and talents, whose prose and poetical contributions have often adorned the columns of the Post, and who, in the earlier days of that publication, wrote many of the book reviews,—thereby saving for the home library valuable works from the desecrating scissors and pencils of less careful reviewers. Their family consisted of six children, throe of whom now survive, all having inherited a share of their parents' literary ability. Charles, the eldest son, has contributed many valuable articles to Sears's Quarterly Review, besides letters and shorter articles to various periodicals and newspapers, which have been highly commended by those competent to judge of such matters. Nathaniel, the second son. ably assisted his father for more than a dozen years as managing editor of the Post, and during an extended foreign tour, under the nom de plume of "Flaneur,"' wrote a series of most amusing and instructive letters to that paper.

Col. Greene's popularity in a social way is illustrated by the following extract from the Boston Journal, 21 June, 1875:

"A WELL DESERVED COMPLIMENT. "

The parlors of the Central Club on Saturday evening last were the scene of a little incident so agreeable to all who participated, that we may be pardoned for making a public record of the pleasant occasion. Among the original members of the club. Col. Chas. G. Greene, editor of the Boston Post, was enrolled. He accepted the position of vice-president at the first organization, declining of late years to hold any office, though continuing one of its most interested members. His genial presence and fund of pleasant reminiscences contribute so frequently to the pleasure of a chance hour passed beneath its roof that many of his associates desired to make some permanent recognition of their regard. An excellent photograph of Col. Greene was reproduced in crayon, and hung upon the walls. "At the quarterly meeting held on Saturday evening, the donors presented the admirable portrait to the club. The president, in acknowledging the receipt of the communication, allnded in pleasant terms to the gratification which the club must feel in receiving a gift so acceptable to all, and, with many pleasant allusions to the past, introduced Col. Greene, who was not aware of the delicate compliment which had been paid to him. His remarks we cannot reproduce, but this testimonial of regard drew from him a speech replete with kindly sentiment most eloquently expressed. The club has honored itself in honoring one whose absence in every social circle is a loss, and whose presence promotes good fellowship and kindly regard."

Col. Greene is esteemed as much for candor as for affability. The Honorable David Henshaw said of him,—"He is the self-made, self-taught man,—the energetic and polished writer; he shows the superiority of real worth over fictitious greatness." "His name," said a contemporary, "is a synonym for all that is deemed estimable in a private citizen or politician; his ability is unquestioned; he has never forgotten the dignity of his profession ; has always known where he stood, always manfully maintained what he believed to be right, and never smirched his fair fame by having to do with tricksters and jobbers. No editor in the country stands higher as a gentleman than Charles Gordon Greene."

Charles Sumner visits the Greenes in Paris, 1857

Edward Lillie Pearce, Charles Sumner. Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. III, 1845-1860. Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1894.

"March 26 [1857]. Wrote letters home ; visited the Invalides, and saw the new tomb of Napoleon ; then visited Mr. William B. Greene and his most intelligent wife, living off beyond the Luxembourg; saw something of that quarter ; then dined with Elliot C. Cowdin, a merchant here, once connected with the Mercantile Library Association [of Boston], — the first time I have met company at dinner for ten months ; then to the Italian opera, where I heard the last part of ' Il Barbiere di Siviglia.' " [page 530]

[another entry, p. 531, March 31, obscured in available copy, probably reads: "Din[ed with Mr. and Mrs.] Greene at their lodgings, beyond the Luxembourg.]

Lilian Freeman Clarke visits Anna Greene in Paris, 1882

James Freeman Clarke. Autobiography, Diary and Correspondence. Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin, and Co., 1889. 369.

LONDON, May 29,1882.

Our voyage was rather long, cold, foggy and disagreeble, and we were glad last Thursday morning to be at Liverpool, where we took a train at once for London. Lilian joined us Friday evening, coming from Paris, where she has had a pleasant time with Mrs. William B. Greene and Ellen Hale.

Yesterday (Whitsunday) we four went to Hampstead, where I preached for Dr. Sadler, a fine old gentleman, in a very pleasant, picturesque English chapel.

Hampstead is lovely, half city and half country. We went, after church, to dine with Professor J. Estlin Carpenter. His father, Dr. William B. Carpenter, was present, and was very agreeable, talking about Darwin, Carlyle, and many others whom he had known.

Notice of William B. Greene, Transcendentalism, etc

"New Publications." The Religious Magazine and Monthly Review. 45, 5 (May, 1871), 544.

TRANSCENDENTALISM, and THE FACTS OF CONSCIOUSNESS, and the Philosophy of Mr. Herbert Spencer, are the titles of two remarkable pamphlets by Mr. William B. Greene, and will furnish what William Corbett would call " a bone to gnaw," to those who have a liking for such hard problems in Psychology. We look upon Mr. Greene as an able and independent writer, less satisfactory, perhaps, than he would be were it not for the slight excess of individualism which marks his productions.

Notice of William B. Greene, The Blazing Star

"Notice of New Books," The New Englander, XXXII, 1 (January, 1873), 183.

MR. WILLIAM B. GREENE'S BLAZING STAR† seems to us to shine by a reflected light, and that light, whatever there is, is reflected from the Appendix on the Jewish Kabbala, if this be not darkness visible. We frankly confess to have been able to gather little or nothing from both except the excitement of our curiosity to learn somewhat more of this same Kabbala. But whatever these first portions of this volume have failed to furnish has been more than compensated by the tract on the Philosophy of Spencer and the tract on New England Transcendentalism. The first is sharp, clear, and decisive, and abounds in the clear analysis of which the author is capable, and the soldier-like charge upon his adversary, in which there is nothing unchivalrous though it is annihilating. Mr. Spencer's pretentious inflations would not long survive a few such criticisms as this. The tract on New England Transcendentalism is equally able though not so long. Its affinity with Buddhism is clearly set forth, and there is a sad pathos and almost stern reproof in the reflections at the close.

† The Blazing Star; with an Appendix treating of the Jewish Kabbala. Also a tract on the Philosophy of Mr. Herbert Spencer, and one on New England Transcendentalism. By WILLIAM B. GREENE. Boston: A. Williams & Co. 1872.

Ezra Heywood and prison vaccinations

"An American Experience," The Vaccination Inquirer and Health Review, 1 (April, 1879), 12.

AN AMERICAN EXPERIENCE.

MR. EZRA H. HEYWOOD, a fellow labourer with W. Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Francis Jackson, and Parker Pillsbury, for the abolition of slavery in the United States, has recently suffered imprisonment for the same cause as Mr. Truelove in England, but was liberated by President Hayes. He is turning his prison experiences to account in public lectures, showing how adverse to good are prison influences and regulations. " I have no personal grievances to vent," he says. " I was in a liberal jail. Judge Clifford allowed me to choose the one to which I should be taken. Prison life implies social, financial, and physical death. When I stepped over the threshold of Dedham jail, I stepped from the civilisation of the nineteenth century into the barbarism of the tenth."

Among the outrages practised on prisoners is compulsory vaccination. If a convict refuses he is knocked down, handcuffed, and operated upon—a lesson in sweetness and light. Mr. Heywood managed to escape pollution once, but the doctor was too much for him, and insisted on his submission ; but, as soon as the doctor had gone, Mr. Heywood energetically rubbed the virus off his arm, and only escaped punishment because there was no rule to apply to the offence.

Consistently with this trust in vaccination, is the indifference displayed towards cleanliness. The prisoners are allowed to bathe but once a week, and then only three minutes are allowed for their ablutions ; and when prisoners are unwell they go for weeks without bathing and without change of clothing.

Sunday, August 19, 2007

B. W. Ball, The Revolution

B. W. Ball, "The Revolution," The Radical Review, 720.

THE REVOLUTION.

There is no pause. Still blow resounds on blow,
The order old making to shake and reel
From base to pinnacle. To dust brought low,
Crescent and Cross the shock of ruin feel.
Shallow Reaction tries in vain to stem
The Revolution’s surge, which more and more,
Drowning tiara, throne, and diadem.
Spreads undulating wide from shore to shore.
What though Priest, Kaiser, Sultan, King still sit
Sceptred and crowned above the encroaching flood?
Belshazzar’s legend is above them writ,
And they grow pale before Man’s altered mood.
Voices of Revolution, trumpet-clear,
Byron and Shelley, lo, your day is near!
B. W. Ball.

Edward Stanwood, Mr. Spooner's Island Community

Edward Stanwood, "Mr. Spooner's Island Community," The Radical Review, 578-581.

MR. SPOONER’S ISLAND COMMUNITY.

If one could only accept all of Mr. Lysander Spooner’s assumptions as true, his argument would be sound and his conclusions would follow. Unfortunately for him, his most material assumptions have no basis. Letus take his first case: one hundred men on a solitary island; each producing ten bushels of wheat, exactly enough for his own wants; each the possessor of coined money to the amount of what we call five dollars. It is true, wheat would have no price, though it would have a value. Now, Mr. Spooner supposes that one of the hundred men abandons wheat-growing and produces something else. The other ninety-nine, however, produce as much as before. A, who now raises no wheat, must buy ten bushels. He pays for it, Mr. Spooner supposes,—for it must be pure assumption—one cent a bushel.

Here then we have a price fixed for all the wheat grown,—not simply for the ten bushels A must buy. Next year B also stops wheat-growing, and engages in another occupation. What will be the price of wheat then? Two cents, says Mr. Spooner. Isn’t that getting ahead rather fast? The ninety-eight men have produced one thousand bushels, as before, and they need only nine hundred and eighty bushels. Neither supply nor demand has changed. There are twenty bushels for sale, and twenty are wanted by two men. Of course the price remains unchanged, at one cent a bushel. If it went higher than that, each of the ninety-eight men would endeavor to produce a surplus the next year,—Mr. Spooner’s theory allows one man to produce the entire thousand bushels,—and the result would be an excessive supply, and a price fixed at a fraction of a cent, instead of a whole cent, a bushel.

The whole fallacy of this part of Mr. Spooner’s reasoning [579] rests on the assumption, wholly unwarranted, that the number of buyers, rather than the amount of the article they need or the supply in the market, regulates the price. Fifty men, needing each ten bushels of wheat, would fare as well in a market where five hundred bushels were for sale, as would one man in a market where there were only ten bushels to be had. And the number would have no effect whatever on the price. And if there be only two sellers who are real competitors for the trade of the community, prices will be as steady as if there were a hundred sellers. This is a matter of common experience, and not of theory. We can therefore safely divide by one hundred the amount of money declared by Mr. Spooner to be needed by this community of one hundred persons.

But Mr. Spooner supposes that, when A quits wheat-growing, he engages in a business which produces something worth the whole amount of the wheat crop on the island. That is a very violent hypothesis, but let us adopt it. Each of he ninety-nine men who successfully engages in a new occupation does the same, we are told; and the result is that, when every man on the island is in a business different from all the others, the aggregate production is one hundred times as great as at the beginning.

Now, let us begin back at the beginning. A, we will say, makes shoes enough for the whole community. What can he get for them? Mr. Spooner’s hypothesis requires that he should get ten cents from each member of the community,—that is, the value of the wheat crop which each has raised. So he pays out ten cents for wheat, and he takes in ten dollars for shoes. What follows? Will B, and C, and D raise wheat next year, or will they rush into the shoe trade, glut the market, and drive down the price? The latter, of course; or, what would be more likely, A would find a hard market. The wheat producers would say to themselves: We got along without shoes when we all sowed wheat, and we can do so still, rather than pay the whole value—ten cents—of our crop for them. Consequently, next year A would be glad to reduce his price.

But let us grant that in some way or other each man of the hundred has finally got into a separate business of his own, and that he produces a full supply for one hundred men of some article that must be had by all. Do they then need for purposes [580] of trade more money than five dollars each? Certainly not. The demand and supply regulates its value as much as the same circumstances regulat the value of anything else. Instead of more money being needed, it may be doubted if any money at all would be required in such a community. It would only be necessary to keep accounts with one hundred men. A wants one hundredth part of the wheat which X produces; X wants one hundredth part of the shoes which A makes. When they have given each other what is due, the account is squared.

Still, that might not be convenient. There would be, we will suppose, a very quick and active demand for money. Then the value of it would increase. A would need it so much that he would sell a pair of shoes for five cents instead of for ten; B would sell a hat for five cents where he had been asking ten; and so on through the list. The fail in prices would be one-half, and would diminish the demand for money by so much, or, in other words, money would be worth twice as much. As production grew, the prices would fall, or the value of money would rise, again; and so on, until at the volume of currency would be made “equal to the wants of trade” by the simple process of raising the value of each cent or dollar.

We have come to this, then: during the whole progress of the change from wheat-growing to other occupations, the price of wheat has never been able to rise above one cent a bushel. As the demand for money has increased, the price of that and other commodities has declined. The value of the wheat grown, and of every thing else, has been the same from beginning to end, because demand and supply balanced each other exactly at all times. The purchasing power of money has increased. The five dollars every man had at the beginning will buy, say, what would then have cost twenty dollars. Then a smaller amount of money does the same work.
The community is just as rich and just as prosperous as if it had more money. The man who can buy ten bushels of wheat for ten cents and has twenty cents, is as rich as the man who with twenty dollars in his pocket must pay ten dollars for ten bushels of wheat.

I have confined myself wholly to Mr. Spooner s first case, but it covers all the rest. Every condition is changed the moment [581] the element of intercourse with the rest of the world is introduced; but as Mr. Spooner does not discuss it, I leave it alone. He, however, builds up a huge structure of fancy as to the amount of money that would be required by a community of ten thousand men, and then goes to work to trim it down, until he settles on the conclusion that each of the ten thousand would need one hundred thousand dollars. Now, suppose that we raise the value of the dollar to one thousand times as much as it is now, why would not one hundred thousand mills serve the purpose? When Mr. Spooner can show that a community which called its unit of value a mill and used an iron or other coin to represent it would not be as rich, and prosperous, and very way as well off as a community that it made its trades in dollars and used gold,—provided always that both were cut off from intercourse with the world,— it may be worth while to continue the discussion. But until he can show that the number of buyers rather than the excess or deficiency of a commodity governs prices; that the value of money is unchangeable, resisting the influence both of the number of persons requiring it and of the amount they want; and that it makes a community wealthy to reckon values in dollars rather than in cents or mills,—I must hold that he has not begun to prove his ingenious theories to be true.

Edward Stanwood.